1760 books for « marx »Edit

‎Correspondance, tome IV : juillet 1853 - juin 1857.‎

‎ Editions Sociales 1974 Editions Sociales, 1974, 506 p., broché, environ 215x135mm, haut du dos un peu frotté, bon état et intérieur bien propre.‎

‎Publié sous la responsabilité de Gilbert Badia et Jean Mortier. Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎Correspondance, tome III : janvier 1852 - juin 1853.‎

‎ Editions Sociales 1972 Editions Sociales, 1972, 506 p., broché, environ 215x135mm, haut du dos un peu frotté, bon état et intérieur bien propre.‎

‎Publié sous la responsabilité de Gilbert Badia et Jean Mortier. Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎Lettres sur "Le Capital".‎

‎ Editions Sociales 1972 Editions Sociales, 1972, 456 p., broché, environ 215x135mm, bas du dos un peu émoussé, second plat un peu froissé, bon état pour le reste.‎

‎Publié sous la responsabilité de Gilbert Badia et Jean Chabbert. Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎Fondements de la critique de l'économie politique : ébauche de 1857-1858 (2 volumes).‎

‎ Anthropos 19+72 Editions Anthropos, 2 volumes, 1972 (dépôt légal), 518-762 pp, brochés, environ 22x14cm. Une pliure sur un plat, des frottements d'usage sur la couverture. Bon état pour le reste et intérieurs bien propres.‎

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‎Traduit par Roger Dangeville. En annexe : travaux des années 1850-1859. Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎Histoire de la Grance-Bretagne‎

‎Armand Colin (Collection U) 1980 383 pages in8. 1980. Broché. 383 pages.‎

‎Bon Etat‎

‎La gravure originale au XIXe siècle‎

‎Somogy 1962 255 pages in-8. 1962. broché. 255 pages. Illustrations en noir et en couleurs‎

‎Etat correct (EC). A noter un manque de papier en queue de dos. Tranches un peu salies sinon intérieur propre‎

‎Les contrastes de la couleur.‎

‎ Dessain et Tolra 1973 Dessain et Tolra, 1973, 209 p., première édition, brochure à spirales sous jaquette, environ 190x205mm, des rousseurs sur les contreplats, de petites franges sur le haut et le bas du dos de la jaquette, bon état néanmoins et intérieur très propre.‎

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‎Tirage sur couchés des Pameteries Buhrmann, à Bruxelles, et sur supports transparents de la société La Cellophane, à Paris. Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎Vie du lettré.‎

‎ Minuit Editions de Minuit, Coll. Paradoxe, 2009, 235 p., broché, bon état.‎

‎ Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎L'inquisition en Dauphiné : étude sur le développement et la répression de l'hérésie et de la sorcellerie du XIVe siècle au début du règne de François Ier.‎

‎ Laffitte Laffitte Reprints, 1978, 294 p., cartonnage éditeur, bon état.‎

‎Réimpression de l'édition de Paris, 1914. Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎S. Mendjisky.‎

‎ 1963, cartonnage éditeur sous jaquette, environ 29x24 cm, restes d'adhésif sur la page de garde, bords de la jaquette frottés, bon état pour le reste.‎

‎ Merci de nous contacter à l'avance si vous souhaitez consulter une référence au sein de notre librairie.‎

‎Herr Vogt. - [MARX' STRUGGLE AGAINST DEFAMATION ]‎

‎London, 1860. 8vo. Bound partly uncut with the original wrappers in a nice recent half calf pastiche binding with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Front wrapper with marginal repairs and back wrappers with repairs with minor loss of text. Light brownspotting to first and last leaves. A fine copy. VI, (2), (1)-191, (1, -errata) pp.‎

‎The rare first edition of Marx' landmark defense against defamation, a seminal work in his struggle for a new human society. Written in the midst of his writing of ""The Capital"", ""Herr Vogt"" constitutes the work that took precedence over this most important critique of political economy and the work that gives us one of the most profound insights into the mind of the great Marx. ""Herr Vogt"" is furthermore the work that we have to thank for the influence that ""The Capital"" and Marxist socialism did come to have upon our society. ""In 1857, Karl Marx resumed work on his critique of political economy, a process that culminated in the publication of ""Capital"" a decade later. He wrote a rough draft (the ""Grundrisse"") in 1857 and 1858, parts of which he then reworked into the ""Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy"", which was published in June 1859. Then, in 1861 through 1863, he wrote a revised draft of the whole of ""Capital"", which was followed by a more polished draft written during 1864 and 1865. Finally, he revised the first volume yet again, during 1866 and 1867. It appeared in September, 1867.The careful reader will have noticed a rather lengthy gap in this chronology. From the second half of 1859 through 1860, Marx was not working on his critique of political economy. What was he doing instead? What was so important, so much more of an urgent priority than his theoretical work?The answer is that Marx was fighting back against Carl Vogt's defamatory attack. He fought back in order to defend his reputation and that of his ""party."" ... "" Herr Vogt"", the book Marx wrote in order to set the record straight."" (Klimann, Marx' Struggle Against Defamation).Vogt was a prominent radical German politician and materialist philosopher who had immigrated to Switzerland, where he served in parliament and was also a professor of geology. His position on the 1859 war over Italian unification had a pro-French tilt, which resulted in the publication of a newspaper article and an anonymous pamphlet that alleged (correctly) that Vogt was being paid by the French government. Vogt believed Marx to be the source of the allegation and the author of the pamphlet.Vogt fought back by attacking Marx. He published a short book that described Marx as the leader of a band of blackmailers who demanded payment in return for keeping quiet about their victims' revolutionary histories. The book also contained a number of false and harmful allegations against Marx, and Vogt did everything in his power to destroy Marx' reputation. Not only did he attack Marx personally, he also falsified facts and made up untrue allegations to libel the Communist League, portraying its members as conspirators in secret contact with the police and accusing Marx of personal motives.There is no doubt that this work of slander put both Marx' own future as well as that of the Communist League at stake. ""Ferdinand Lassalle warned Marx that Vogt's book ""will do great harm to yourself and to the whole party, for it relies in a deceptive way upon half-truths,"" and said that ""something must be done"" in response (quoted in Rubel 1980, p. 53). Frederick Engels also urged Marx to respond quickly, and he provided a good deal of assistance when Marx wrote ""Herr Vogt""....Carl Vogt and the circumstances that gave rise to his defamatory attack against Marx and his ""party"" are dead and gone. But ""Herr Vogt"" and Marx's battle against defamation remain living exemplars of how one responds in a genuinely Marx-ian way-i.e., the way of Marx. Do not separate theory from practice, or philosophy from organization. Do not retreat to the ivory tower or suffer attacks in silence"" set the record straight. Use the bourgeois courts if necessary. Enlist the assistance of others."" (Klimann).""Marx's Herr Vogt, almost entirely unknown in the English-speaking world. It is nevertheless one of the most brilliant of his writings. Engels considered it better than the Eighteenth Brumaire"" Lassalle spoke of it as ""a masterpiece in every respect"""" Ryazanov thought that ""in all literature there is no equal to this book"""" Mehring rightly wrote of its ""being highly instructive even today""."" (Karl Marx on Herr Vogt - from The New International, Vol. X No. 8, August 1944, pp. 257-260. Transcribed & marked up by Einde O'Callaghan for ETOL).‎

‎The Civil War in France. Address of the General Council of the International Working-Men's Association. - [MARX' SEMINAL DEFENSE OF THE PARIS COMMUNE]‎

‎High Holborn, for the Council by Edward Truelove, 1871. Small 8vo. Near contemporary quarter cloth with silver lettering to front board. Binding with signs of use, but overall good. One closed marginal tear and title-page with a few brownspots, otherwise very nice and clean. 35 pp.‎

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‎Exceedingly rare first edition (with the names of Lucraft and Odger still present under ""The General Council"") of one of Marx' most important works, his seminal defense of the Paris Commune and exposition of the struggle of the Communards, written for all proletarians of the world. While living in London, Marx had joined the International Working Men's Association in 1864 - ""a society founded largely by members of Britain's growing trade unions and designed to foster international working class solidarity and mutual assistance. Marx accepted the International's invitation to represent Germany and became the most active member of its governing General Council, which met every Tuesday evening, first at 18 Greek Street in Soho and later in Holborn. In this role, Marx had his first sustained contact with the British working class and wrote some of his most memorable works, notably ""The Civil War in France"". A polemical response to the destruction of the Paris Commune by the French government in 1871, it brought Marx notoriety in London as 'the red terror doctor', a reputation that helped ensure the rejection of his application for British citizenship several years later. Despite his considerable influence within the International, it was never ideologically homogenous... (homas C. Jones: ""Karl Marx' London"").The work was highly controversial, but extremely influential. Even though most of the Council members of the International sanctioned the Address, it caused a rift internally, and some of the English members of the General Council were enraged to be seen to endorse it. Thus, for the second printing of the work, the names of Lucraft and Odger, who had now withdrawn from the Council, were removed from the list of members of ""The General Council"" at the end of the pamphlet. ""[Marx] defended the Commune in a bitterly eloquent pamphlet, ""The Civil War in France"", whose immediate effect was further to identify the International with the Commune, by then in such wide disrepute that some of the English members of the General Council refused to endorse it."" (Saul K. Padover, preface to Vol. II of the Karl Marx Library, pp. XLVII-XLVIII).""Written by Karl Marx as an address to the General Council of the International, with the aim of distributing to workers of all countries a clear understanding of the character and world-wide significance of the heroic struggle of the Communards and their historical experience to learn from. The book was widely circulated by 1872 it was translated into several languages and published throughout Europe and the United States."" (The Karl Marx Archive)Marx concluded ""The Civil War in France"" with these impassioned words, which were to resound with workers all over the world: ""Working men's Paris, with its Commune, will be forever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the working class. Its exterminators history has already nailed to that eternal pillory from which all the prayers of their priests will not avail to redeem them.""The address, which was delivered on May 30, 1871, two days after the defeat of the Paris Commune, was to have an astounding effect on working men all over the world and on the organization of power of the proletarians. It appeared in three editions in 1871, was almost immediately translated into numerous languages and is now considered one of the most important works that Marx ever wrote. "" ""The Civil War in France"", one of Marx's most important works, was written as an address by the General Council of the International to all Association members in Europe and the United States.From the earliest days of the Paris Commune Marx made a point of collecting and studying all available information about its activities. He made clippings from all available French, English and German newspapers of the time. Newspapers from Paris reached London with great difficulty. Marx had at his disposal only individual issues of Paris newspapers that supported the Commune. He had to use English and French bourgeois newspapers published in London, including ones of Bonapartist leanings, but succeeded in giving an objective picture of the developments in Paris. ...Marx also drew valuable information from the letters of active participants and prominent figures of the Paris Commune, such as Leo Frankel, Eugene Varlin, Auguste Serraillier, Yelisaveta Tornanovskaya, as well as from the letters of Paul Lafargue, Pyotr Lavrov and others.Originally he intended to write an address to the workers of Paris, as he declared at the meeting of the General Council on March 28, 1871. His motion was unanimously approved. The further developments in Paris led him, however, to the conclusion that an appeal should be addressed to proletarians of the world. At the General Council meeting on April 18, Marx suggested to issue ""an address to the International generally about the general tendency of the struggle."" Marx was entrusted with drafting the address. He started his work after April 18 and continued throughout May. Originally he wrote the First and Second drafts of ""The Civil War in France"" as preparatory variants for the work, and then set about making up the final text of the address.He did most of the work on the First and Second drafts and the final version roughly between May 6 and 30. On May 30, 1871, two days after the last barricade had fallen in Paris, the General Council unanimously approved the text of ""The Civil War in France"", which Marx had read out.""The Civil War in France"" was first published in London on about June 13, 1871 in English, as a pamphlet of 35 pages in 1,000 copies. Since the first edition quickly sold out, the second English edition of 2,000 copies was published at a lower price, for sale to workers. In this edition [i.e., MECW], Marx corrected some of the misprints occurring in the first edition, and the section ""Notes"" was supplemented with another document. Changes were made in the list of General Council members who signed the Address: the names of Lucraft and Odger were deleted, as they had expressed disagreement with the Address in the bourgeois press and had withdrawn from the General Council, and the names of the new members of the General Council were added. In August 1871, the third English edition of ""The Civil War in France"" came out, in which Marx eliminated the inaccuracies of the previous editions.In 1871-72, ""The Civil War"" in France was translated into French, German, Russian, Italian, Spanish, Dutch, Flemish, Serbo-Croat, Danish and Polish, and published in the periodical press and as separate pamphlets in various European countries and the USA. It was repeatedly published in subsequent years....In 1891, when preparing a jubilee German edition of ""The Civil War in France"" to mark the 20th anniversary of the Paris Commune, Engels once again edited the text of his translation. He also wrote an introduction to this edition, emphasising the historical significance of the experience of the Paris Commune, and its theoretical generalisation by Marx in ""The Civil War in France"", and also giving additional information on the activities of the Communards from among the Blanquists and Proudhonists. Engels included in this edition the First and Second addresses of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association on the Franco-Prussian war, which were published in subsequent editions in different languages also together with ""The Civil War France"". (Notes on the Publication of ""The Civil War in France"" from MECW Volume 22). Only very few copies of the book from 1871 on OCLC are not explicitly stated to be 2nd or 3rd editions, and we have not been able to find a single copy for sale at auctions within the last 50 years. ‎

‎Die heilige Familie oder Kritik der kritischen Kritik. Gegen Bruno Bauer & Consorten. - [THE COLLABORATION THAT WOULD CHANGE THE WORLD]‎

‎Frankfurt a. M., 1845. 8vo. Contemporary black half calf. Professionally rebacked. Title-page somewhat dusty and re-hinged. VIII, 335, (1) pp.‎

‎Incredibly scarce first edition of one the most significant political publications of the 19th century, the first joint work of Marx and Engels, leading to a life-long association that would change the world. ""The Holy Family"" is one of the most fundamental works in the history of communism and contains the first formulations of a number of fundamental theses of dialectical and historical materialism. For instance, it is here that the idea of mass/the people as the actual maker of the history of mankind is put forth for the first time and here that Marx shows that communism is the logical conclusion of materialistic philosophy.The work became incredibly influential and caused great uproar. Lenin claimed that it was this work that laid the foundations for scientific revolutionary materialist socialism.At the end of August, 1844, Engels passed through Paris,on his way to Manchester. It was here that he met Marx (then for the second time).Marx suggested that the two of them should write a critique of Young Hegelian trend of thought then very popular in academic circles. They decided to co-author the foreword and divided up the other sections between them. Engels had already finished his chapters before leaving Paris after 10 days. Marx had the larger share of work, which he completed by the end of November 1844.The general title, ""The Holy Family"", was added at the suggestion of the publisher Lowenthal, being a sarcastic reference to the Bauer brothers and their supporters."" ""The Holy Family, or Critique of Critical Critique. Against Bruno Bauer and Co."" is the first joint work of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. At the end of August 1844 Marx and Engels met in Paris and their meeting was the beginning of' their joint creative work in all fields of theoretical and practical revolutionary activity. By this time Marx and Engels had completed the transition from idealism to materialism and from revolutionary democratism to communism. The polemic The Holy Family was written in Paris in autumn 1844. It reflects the progress in the formation of Marx and Engels's revolutionary materialistic world outlook.In ""The Holy Family"" Marx and Engels give a devastating criticism of the subjectivist views of the Young Hegelians from the position of militant materialists. They, also criticize Hegel's own idealistic philosophy: giving credit for the rational element in his dialectics, they criticize the mystic side of it.The Holy Family formulates a number of fundamental theses of dialectical and historical materialism. In it Marx already approaches the basic idea of historical materialism - the decisive role of the mode of production in the development of society. Refuting the idealistic views of history which had dominated up to that time, Marx and Engels prove that of themselves progressive ideas can lead society only beyond the ideas of the old system and that ""in order to carry out ideas men are needed who dispose of a certain practical force."" (See p. 160 of the present edition.) The proposition put forward in the book that the mass, the people, is the real maker of the history of mankind is of paramount importance. Marx and Engels show that the wider and the more profound a change taking place in society is the more numerous Me mass effecting that change will Re Lenin especially stressed the importance of this thought and described it as one of the most profound and most important theses of historical materialism.The Holy Family contains the almost mature view of the historic role of the proletariat as the class which, by virtue of its position in capitalism, ""can and must free itself"" and at the same time abolish all the inhuman conditions of life of bourgeois society, for ""not in vain does"" the proletariat ""go through the stern but steeling school of labour. The question is not what this or that proletarian, or even the whole of the proletariat at the moment considers as its aim. The question is what the proletariat is, and what, consequent on that being, it will be compelled to do."" (pp. 52-53.)A section of great importance is ""Critical Battle against French Materialism"" in which Marx, briefly outlining the development of materialism in West-European philosophy, shows that communism is the logical conclusion of materialistic philosophy.The Holy Family was written largely under the influence of the materialistic views of Ludwig Feuerbach, who was, responsible to a great extent for Marx's and Engels's transition from idealism to materialism"" the work also contains elements of the criticism of Feuerbach's metaphysical and contemplative materialism given by Marx in spring 1845 in his Theses on Feuerbach. Engels later defined the place of The Holy Family in the history of Marxism when he wrote: ""The cult of abstract man, which formed the kernel of Feuerbach's new religion, had to be replaced by the science of real men and of their historical development. This further development of Feuerbach's standpoint beyond Feuerbach was inaugurated by Marx in 1845 in The Holy Family."" (F. Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy.)The Holy Family formulates some of the basic principles of Marxist political economy. In contrast to the Utopian Socialists Marx bases the objective inevitability of the victory of communism on the fact that private property in its economic motion drives itself towards its downfall.The Holy Family dates from a period when the process of the formation of Marxism was not yet completed. This is reflected in the terminology used by Marx and Engels. Marxist scientific terminology was gradually elaborated and defined by Marx and Engels as the formation and development of their teaching progressed."" (Introduction to the work by Foreign Languages Publishers)""The book made something of a splash in the newspapers. One paper noted, that it expressed socialist views since it criticised the ""inadequacy of any half-measures directed at eliminating the social ailments of our time."" The conservative press immediately recognized the radical elements inherent in its many arguments. One paper wrote that, in The Holy Family, ""every line preaches revolt... against the state, the church, the family, legality, religion and property."" It also noted that ""prominence is given to the most radical and the most open communism, and this is all the more dangerous as Mr. Marx cannot be denied either extremely broad knowledge or the ability to make use of the polemical arsenal of Hegel's logic, what is customarily called 'iron logic.'Lenin would later claim this work laid the foundations for what would develop into a scientific revolutionary materialist socialism."" (Marx Archive).‎

‎Anekdota zur neuesten deutschen Philosophie und Publicistik von Bruno Bauer, Ludwig Feuerbach, Friedrich Köppen, Karl Nauwerk, Arnold Ruge und einigen Ungenannten. 2 bde. [(Marx): Bemerkungen über die neueste preußische Censurinstruction. Von einem Rh... - [DEFINING THE ESSENCE OF REASON AS FREEDOM - MARX' DEBUT ARTICLE]‎

‎Zürich & Winterthur, Literarischen Comptoirs, 1843. 8vo. Bound in one nice later half calf binding in contemporary style with gilt title and blindstamped ornamentation to spine. Faded inscription of ""Eigenthus des Literar. Museum"" to both title-pages and last leaf of bot volumes. Stamps of the same Litarary Museum to volume 1, at both title-page, last leaf and a few leaves inbetween. Neat pencil annotations to a few leaves of volume 1. Neatly washed and with a few tiny closed tears to second gathering. A small spot to lower blank margin of pp. 195-8 of vol. 1. Contents generally clean and crisp. All in all a evry nice copy. IV, 320 + IV, 288 pp. [Marx' paper: Vol. I, pp. 56-88].‎

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‎Extremely scarce first edition of this two-volume periodical, which contains the first printing of Marx' first newspaper article, being the first political article written by Marx for publication, namely his ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"". This important debut work, which constitutes the foundation of Marxian dialectic and his formulation of Critical Hegelianism, was written between January 15 and February 10, 1842, but due to censorship restrictions, it first appeared here, in Ruge's ""Anekdota"", in Switzerland in 1843, to avoid German censorship. ""The young Marx and the young Engels ridiculed the Prussian Censorship Law of 1841. The attack of the young Mark, ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction,"" was written in 1842 but published a year later in Ruge's ""Anekdota"".""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"" is an early exercise by the young Marx in the application of the categories of Hegelian critique. In this essay, the young Marx employed the Hegelian modalities of substance and essence to demonstrate the authoritarian nature of the Prussian Censorship Instruction. The young Marx utilized the concepts of substance and essence in the defence of free press. ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"" defines the essence of a free press as free mind, or the essence of reason as freedom. The young Marx argues that it was impossible for reason to act in accordance with its essence unless it was totally free, because without absolute freedom, reason cannot follow its own insights to their logical conclusion. Consequently, when the Prussian Censorship Instruction limits the freedom of reason, when it sets boundaries beyond which reason cannot go, the Prussian Government annihilates the essence of reason. The strategy of the young Marx is his essay is to adopt Hegelian logic in the cause of liberalism. He wished to show how Hegelian categories could be adjusted, could be transformed into weapons in the cause of political reform. In this essay, the young Marx proved two things, that he interpreted Hegel as a critical Hegelian and that he himself continued this Critical Hegelian tradition. In 1842, the young Marx explored, experimented with the use of Hegelian categories, essence, and appearance as devices by which to advance the cause of political progressivism, and this was the meaning of Critical Hegelianism in the generation of Gans."" (Norman Levine: Divergent Paths: Hegel in Marxism and Engelsism, pp. 142-43).""Karl's [i.e. Marx] politics had closely followed those of Ruge ever since the end of the 1830s. In 1842 and 1843, their responses to immediate events, not least the ""frivolous diatribes of the ""Free"", had remained very close. An established author, and in the possession of independent means, ""Papa Ruge"" - as Jenny called him - was clearly the senior partner in this collaboration. The banning of the ""Deutsche Jahrbücher"" in January 1843 as the result of Prussian pressure, together with the suppression of the ""Rheinische Zeitung"", meant the effective silencing of Young Hegelianism within Germany. The aim of the criticism, as it was applied among Young Hegelians, was to highlight the gap between the demands of reason and the behavior of the government, but its failure to make any significant headway against the Prussia of Friedrich Wilhelm IV had also pushed them both towards an open criticism of Hegel's political philosophy. (Gareth Steadman Jones: Karl Marx, Greatness and Illusion, p. 142).Although another anonymous essay ""Luther als Schiedsrichter zwischen Strauß und Feuerbach"" (Vol. II, pp. 206-208) has long been attributed to Marx, the preface to MECW I now states that ""recent research has proved that it was not written by Marx (Draper, register, p. 58). The piece might be by Feuerbach himself.‎

‎Kapital. Kritika politicheskoj ekonomii. Perevod c nmetskago. Tom pervoej. Kniga I. Protschess proizvodstva Kapitala. (Russian, = The Capital. Critique of the Political Economy. Translated from German. Volume One. Book I [all].). - [FIRST TRANSLATION INTO ANY LANGUAGE OF ""THE BIBLE OF MARXISM""]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, N.I. Poliakov, 1872. Large 8vo. In a nice recent half calf binding with gilt lettering to spine and five raised bands. First few leaves with light soling and a closed tear and a few marginal repairs to title-page. pp. 11-18 with repairs to upper outer corner. Closed tears to last leaf, otherwise a fine copy. XIII, (3), 678 pp. (wanting the half-title).‎

‎First Russian edition (first issue, with the issue-pointers), being the first translation into any language, of Marx' immensely influential main work, probably the greatest revolutionary work of the nineteenth century.Marx' groundbreaking ""Das Kapital"" originally appeared in German in 1867, and only the first part of the work appeared in Marx' lifetime. The very first foreign translation of the work was that into Russian, which, considering Russian censorship at the time, would seem a very unlikely event. But as it happened, ""Das Kapital"" actually came to enjoy greater renown in Russia than in any other country"" for many varying reasons, it won a warm reception in many political quarters in Russia, and it enjoyed a totally unexpected rapid and widespread success. The first Russian translation of ""Das Kapital"" came to have a profound influence the economic development of of Russia. It was frequently quoted in the most important economic and political discussions on how to industrialize Russia and the essential points of the work were seen by many as the essential questions for an industrializing Russia. "" ""Das Kapital"" arrived in Russia just at the moment that the Russian economy was recovering from the slump that followed Emancipation and was beginning to assume capitalist characteristics. Industrialization raised in the minds of the intelligentsia the question of their country's economic destiny. And it was precisely this concern that drew Mikhailovsky and many of the ""intelligenty"" to ""Das Kapital""."" (Resis, p. 232).The story of how the first printing of the first translation of ""Das Kapital"" came about, is quite unexpected. As the ""triumph of Marxism in backward Russia is commonly regarded as a historical anomaly"" (Resis, p. 221), so is the triumph of the first Russian edition of ""Das Kapital"". The main credit for the coming to be of the translation of ""Das Kapital"" must be given to Nicolai Danielson, later a highly important economist in his own right. The idea came from a circle of revolutionary youths in St. Petersburg, including N.F. Danielson, G.A. Lopatin, M.F. Negreskul, and N.N. Liubavin, all four of whom participated in the project. Danielson had read the work shortly after its publication and it had made such an impact on him that he decided to make it available to the Russian reading public. He persuaded N.I. Poliakov to run the risk of publishing it. ""Poliakov, the publisher, specialized in publishing authors, Russian and foreign, considered dangerous by the authorities. Poliakov also frequently subsidized revolutionaries by commissioning them to do translations for his publishing house. Diffusion of advanced ideas rather than profit was no doubt his primary motive in publishing the book."" (Resis, p. 222). Owing to Danielson's initiative, Poliakov engaged first Bakunin, and then Lopatin to do the translation. Danielson himself finished the translation and saw the work through press. It was undeniably his leadership that brought Marx to the Russian reading public. In fact, with the first Russian edition of ""Das Kapital"", Danielson was responsible for the first public success of the revolutionizing work. ""Few scholars today would deny that ""Das Kapital"" has had an enormous effect on history in the past hundred years. Nonetheless, when the book was published in Hamburg on September 5, 1867, it made scarcely a stir, except among German revolutionaries. Marx complained that his work was greeted by ""a conspiracy of silence"" on the part of ""a pack of liberals and vulgar economists."" However desperately he contrived to provoke established economists to take up ""Das Kapital""'s challenge to their work, his efforts came to nought. But in October 1868 Marx received good news from an unexpected source. From Nikolai Frantsevich Danielson, a young economist employed by the St. Petersburg Mutual Credit Society, came a letter informing Marx that N. P. Poliakov, a publisher of that city, desired to publish a Russian translation of the first volume of ""Das Kapital""" moreover, he also wanted to publish the forthcoming second volume. Danielson, the publisher's representative, requested that Marx send him the proofs of volume 2 as they came off the press so that Poliakov could publish both volumes simultaneously. Marx replied immediately. The publication of a Russian edition of volume 1, he wrote, should not be held up, because the completion of volume 2 might be delayed by some six months [in fact, it did not appear in Marx' life-time and was only published ab. 17 years later, in 1885]" and in any case volume 1 represented an independent whole. Danielson proceeded at once to set the project in motion. Nearly four years passed, however, before a Russian translation appeared. Indeed, a year passed before the translation was even begun, and four translators tried their hand at it before Danielson was able to send the manuscript to the printers in late December 1871."" (Resis, pp. 221-22). This explains how the book came to be translated, but how did this main work of revolutionary thought escape the rigid Russian censors? ""By an odd quirk of history the first foreign translation of ""Das Kapital"" to appear was the Russian, which Petersburgers found in their bookshops early in April 1872. Giving his imprimatur, the censor, one Skuratov, had written ""few people in Russia will read it, and still fewer will understand it."" He was wrong: the edition of three thousand sold out quickly"" and in 1880 Marx was writing to his friend F.A. Sorge that ""our success is still greater in Russia, where ""Kapital"" is read and appreciated more than anywhere else."" (PMM 359, p.218). Astonishingly, Within six weeks of the publication date, nine hundred copies of the edition of three thousand had already been sold.""Under the new laws on the press, ""Das Kapital"" could have been proscribed on any number of grounds. The Temporary Rules held, for example, that censorship must not permit publication of works that ""expound the harmful doctrines of socialism or communism"" or works that ""rouse enmity and hatred of one class for another."" The Board of Censors of Foreign Publications was specifically instructed to prohibit importation of works contrary to the tenets of the Orthodox Church or works that led to atheism, materialism, or disrespect for Scriptures. Nor did the recent fate of the works of Marx and Engels at the hands of the censors offer much hope that ""Das Kapital"" would pass censorship. As recently as August 11, the censors of foreign works had decided to ban importation of Engels' ""Die Lage der arbeitenden Klassen in England"", and, according to Lopatin, the censors reprimanded Poliakov for daring to run announcements on book jackets of the forthcoming publication of ""Das Kapital"". By 1872 the censors had prohibited the importation and circulation of all works by Marx and Engels except one - ""Das Kapital"". The book, as we shall see, had already won some recognition in Russia shortly after its publication in Germany. Not until 1871, however, did the censors render a judgment on the book, when the Central Committee of Censors of Foreign Publications, on the recommendation of its reader, permitted importation and circulation of the book both in the original language and in translation. The official reader had described the book as ""a difficult, inaccessible, strictly scientific work,"" implying that it could scarcely pose a danger to the state. [...] The length and complexity of the book prompted the office to divide the task of scrutinizing it between two readers, D. Skuratov, who read the first half of the book, and A. De-Roberti, who read the last half. Skuratov dutifully listed objectionable socialist and antireligious passages, taking special note of Marx's harsh attack on the land reforms General Kiselev had instituted in the Danubian Principalities. But in his report Skuratov dismissed these attacks as harmless, since they were imbedded in a ""colossal mass of abstruse, somewhat obscure politico-economic argumentation."" Indeed, he regarded the work as its own best antidote to sedition. ""It can be confidently stated,"" he wrote, ""that in Russia few will read it and even fewer will understand it."" Second, he said, the book could do little harm. Since the book attacked a system rather than individual persons, Skuratov implied that the book would not incite acts threatening the safety of the royal family and government officials. Third, he believed that the argument of the book did not apply to Russia. Marx attacked the unbridled competition practiced in the British factory system, and such attacks, Skuratov asserted, could find no target in Russia because the tsarist regime did not pursue a policy of laissez faire. Indeed, at that very moment, Skuratov stated, a special commission had drafted a plan that ""as zealously protects the workers' well-being from abuses on the part of the employers as it protects the employers' interests against lack of discipline and nonfulfillment of obligations on the part of the workers."" Repeating most of Skuratov's views, De-Roberti also noted that the book contained a good account of the impact of the factory system and the system of unpaid labor time that prevailed in the West. In spite of the obvious socialist tendency of the book, he concluded, a court case could scarcely be made against it, because the censors of foreign works had already agreed to permit importation and circulation of the German edition. With the last barrier removed, on March 27, 1872, the Russian translation of ""Das Kapital"" went on sale in the Russian Empire. The publisher, translators, and advocates of the book had persevered in the project for nearly four years until they were finally able to bring the book to the Russian reading public."" (Resis, pp. 220-22). The Russian authorities quickly realized, however, that Skuratov's statement could not have been more wrong, and the planned second edition of the Russian translation was forbidden"" thus it came to be published in New York, in 1890. That second edition is nearly identical to the first, which can be distinguished by the misplaced comma opposite ""p. 73"" in the table of contents (replaced by a full stop in the 2nd ed.) and the ""e"" at the end of l. 40 on p. 65 (replaced by a ""c"" in the 2nd ed.). A third edition, translated from the fourth German edition, appeared in 1898. Volumes 2 and 3 of ""Das Kapital"" appeared in Russian translation, also by Danielson, in 1885 and 1896.See: Albert Resis, Das Kapital Comes to Russia, in: Slavic Review, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Jun., 1970), pp. 219-237.‎

‎El Capital. Resumido y acompanado de un estudio sobre el socialismo científico por Gabriel Deville. Primera edición [Marx / Deville] (+) Socialismo Utopico y Socialismo Cientifico [Engels] (+) La Ley de Los Salarios y Sus Consecuencias [Guesde]. - [FIRST SPANISH EDITION OF THE MOST IMPORTANT ABRIDGED VERSION OF ""THE CAPITAL""]‎

‎Madrid, Ricardo Fé, 1887. 8vo. Contemporary brown half calf with gilt lettering and ornamentation to spine and red paper covered boards. Most leaves evenly browned (due to the quality of the paper) and some brownspotting to last few leaves. Overall a very good copy indeed of this otherwise fragile book. [Socialismo Utopico... :] pp. (1)-91, (1) + frontispiece of Engels" [La Ley de Los Salarios... :] pp. (1)-44 + frontiespiece of Guesde" [El Capital:] pp. (I)-LVI, 263 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly scarce first Spanish edition of the most important abridged version of Marx's Capital ever to have appeared, published in the same year as what is generally accepted as the first Spanish edition of ""Das Kapital"" (Zafrilla's abridged version - defectively translated from Roy's French version - which was published in newspaper installments 1886-87).This Spanish translation was made from the French of Gabriel Deville (1854 -1940), the great French socialist theoretician, politician and diplomat, who did more than almost anyone else to raise awareness of Karl Marx's theories of the weaknesses of capitalism - most effectively through the present work, which came to have a profound influence upon the spreading of Marxist thought throughout the Spanish speaking part of the world. ""The epitome, here translated, was published in Paris, in 1883, by Gabriel Deville, possibly the most brilliant writer among the French Marxians. It is the most successful attempt yet made to popularize Marx's scientific economics. It is by no means free from difficulties, for the subject is essentially a complex and difficult subject, but there are no difficulties that reasonable attention and patience will not enable the average reader to overcome. There is no attempt at originality. The very words in most cases are Marx's own words, and Capital is followed so closely that the first twenty-five chapters correspond in subject and treatment with the first twenty-five chapters of Capital. Chapter XXVI corresponds in the main with Chapter XXVI of Capital, but also contains portions of chapter XXX. The last three chapters-XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX-correspond to the last three chapters-XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII-of Capital."" (ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE, Intruductory Note to the 1899 English translation).The Spanish translator of the work is Antonio Atienza, a typographer and translator at the press of Ricardo Fé, who in 1886 volunteered his work at the newly founded ""El Socialista"", the Spanish flagship publication of Marxist socialism. It was also in 1886 that Atienza translated the present work, with the publication following in 1887. This translation happened almost simultaneously with the ""translation"" by Zafrilla, which appeared in weekly installments in the rival newspaper ""La Républica"", and the two first versions of ""Das Kapital"" to appear in Spanish tell the story of more than just the desire to spread Marx's ideas in Spain. Both versions were part of an ongoing struggle between political parties vying for the loyalty of Spain's workers (see more below). THE WORK IS OF THE UTMOST SCARCITY, WITH MERELY THREE COPIES LISTED ON OCLC (two in Bristish Library and one in Bibliothèque Nationale) and none at auction over the last 40 years at least.Backgrund for the publication:Among the numerous nascent political organizations that sprouted in the last half of 19th century Spain, many of them as a result to the tumultuous years after the so-called ""Glorious Revolution"" of 1868, was the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). The party was founded by Pablo Iglesias in 1879, and it was the second socialist party in Europe, preceded only by the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD). Notably, of the original twenty-five founding members sixteen were typographers. March of 1886 was a turning point for the PSOE, as they began to publish a weekly newspaper, ""El Socialista"", in order to reach a wider audience throughout Spain and thus advance the Marxist socialist agenda, of which the paper became the flagship. (To this day, it is the official paper of the PSOE, the present ruling party in Spain, although it was suppressed during the years of Franco's dictatorial regime and published sporadically in exile, in France, or clandestinely in Spain. It was again published regularly since 1978. The PSOE gave up Marxism in 1979 in favor of Democratic Socialism.)In 1886 the translator of the present work, Antonio Atienza, was a typographer and translator at the press of Ricardo Fé. At the same time, he volunteered his work at the newly founded El Socialista, as the PSOE funds were quite limited-he wouldn't have a paid position in the paper until 1913. He translated articles by Engels, Guesde, and Buechner, among others.""Das Kapital"" had been published twenty years earlier. That it took so long to reach Spain in book form reveals, among other things, that up to that moment most of Marx's thoughts had filtered through to the workers' unions and parties by way of the writings of his followers as they were interpreted and explained by the intellectuals in charge of these organizations. It is also evident that the complexity of the book wouldn't be of much use to the average worker, factory and otherwise. Enter Deville's abridged version, which was more accessible in that some of the most basic ideas of Marx were digested and re-explained. The point was not to publish a book that could only be only be understood by economists and philosophers, but one that could be given to the workers. A rival party leftist party, considered by the PSOE as bourgeois, was the Partido Republicano Federal. One of its members, Pablo Correa y Zafrilla, undertook the task of translating the first volume of Das ""Kapital"". Quite usual for Spain at the time, the translation was published in weekly instalments to subscribers of their newspaper, ""La República"", starting in 1886 and ending in 1887. The paper then sold the cloth binding to its subscribers and offered to collect the installments to have the book bound for its customers. According to the ad in ""La República"" (22/1/1886), the translation is purportedly from the German original, but it has been clearly demonstrated that it is a defective translation from the French translation of Roy (Ribas). It seems very plausible that when the PSOE found out that someone else in Spain was beginning to publish a translation of the first volume of ""Das Kapital"", El Socialista decided to publish Deville's translation. In fact, the publication of El Capital by ""La República"" was briefly mentioned once in ""El Socialista"", and not in flattering terms (7/10/1887). That a Marxist newspaper disparaged against the first Spanish publication of ""Das Kapital"" reveals, among other things, that they were not terribly excited about some other party's publication producing a defective rendering of their guiding principles. On the other hand, that ""La República"" had decided to publish the book was probably brought about by the foundation of ""El Socialista"", as they saw that the PSOE now had the means to spread their ideas throughout the country. It is in no small way possible that the haste to publish the book brought about the many defects in the translation from the French of Roy as Correa hurried to finish it.José Mesa y Leompart, a typographer, translator, and Marxist ideologue and activist, had experienced the upheavals of the Commune of Paris during his exile after the 1868 revolution. He developed a friendship with Marx's son in law, Paul Lafargue, and his wife, Laura Marx-who themselves had been in exile in Spain during 1871-72-, as well as with Engels, with whom he shared much correspondence, and many other figures of the Marxist movement. He also met both Marx and Engels during their exile in London. His friendship with Pablo Iglesias was a major driving force behind the formation of the PSOE, and he collaborated with El Socialista both as a writer and as a financial supporter. Mesa writes to Engels in April of 1887 lamenting that some Spanish thinkers were using Marx's theories and the policies of the German Socialist Party to deny the concept of class struggle, despite the fact that ""we have […] proven to them that you and Marx have always said the opposite, and having quoted to them the very clear statements of the German Socialist Party"" [but] they remain unmovable, and at some point they even wanted to publish the abridged Capital by Deville, without the preface, and with notes interpreting the meaning in their own way-which we have impeded-(the Resumen [abridgement] of Deville will soon be published, faithfully translated into Spanish.""Therefore, as early as April of 1887 the present translation was already in progress, and in fact, according to Mesa, soon to be published, so it was apparently very advanced. It is then quite possible that Antonio Atienza was commissioned to translate the Deville's abridgement a few months earlier, and not unlikely as far as 1886, when ""La República"" was still publishing installments of the Correa translation. The PSOE is obviously trying to obscure and minimize Correa's translation by publishing the Deville book, as the task of translating ""Das Kapital"" from the original would be lengthy and costly, and it would have come out too late to ascertain their political hold on Marx's ideas. This translation of Deville, then, sees the light is in the very midst of the bickering between leftist parties, and is in fact a product of the confrontations between leftist ideologies. It was finally published about nine months after Mesa's letter to Engels. The first announcement in ""El Socialista"" appears in their November 11th, 1887 issue. The price is four pesetas, or about the cost of an entire year's subscription to the paper, although subscribers could purchase it at half price. Still, given that many subscribers were workers of scarce means, less than three hundred copies were sent out to the main Spanish cities, and that the total edition was probably about a thousand copies at most.The scarcity of this book can be underlined if one considers the virulent war that was waged against all socialist and Marxist literature during and after the Spanish Civil War by the dictatorial regime of Francisco Franco. Book purges and burnings were considerable throughout Spain since the onset of the war, in 1936. It is not that books were burnt sporadically and occasionally, but rather they were destroyed in a systematic and terrifyingly efficient manner. As early as September of 1936 official orders were given to all civil governors, mayors, school inspectors in the nationalist areas to purge all ""harmful"" books, such as pornography and books of a communist or Marxist content. Teachers, librarians, and private citizens, often purged their own libraries, public or personal, of such works in order to comply with the official orders. Countless people were summarily executed for owning certain books that revealed their political tendencies. Obviously, owning actual edition of a book by Marx was reason enough to be deemed guilty and likely executed. As the war advanced, many other such official orders were issued, and unfathomable numbers of books were burnt. To this is added that many libraries were burnt down during the bombardments that took place throughout the country, and that all the libraries of the leftist parties were systematically destroyed. The end of the war, in 1939, only made it official throughout the entire country that communist and socialist literature was banned. So even the few copies that might have survived the fires and the purges were surely disposed of by their owners. It is no small wonder that this particular copy did manage to survive.Withbound in the present volume is the first Spanish translation of Engels' ""Socialism: Utopian and Scientific"" and Jules Guesde's work on the Law of Wages. See:Ribas, Pedro. ""La primera traducción castellana de El capital, 1886 - 1887"", in Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, Madrid, junio de 1985, pp. 201-210.Castillo, Santiago. ""Marxismo y socialismo en el siglo XIX español"", in, Movimiento sociales y estado en la España contemporánea, Manuel Ortiz et al (coord.), Universidad de Castila-La Mancha, 2001Boza Puerta, Mariano, and Sánchez Herrador, Miguel Ángel. ""El martirio de los libros: una aproximación a la destrucción bibliográfica durante la Guerra Civil."" In Boletín de la Asociación Andaluza de Bibliotecarios. Año nº 22, Nº 86-87, 2007, págs. 79-96Tur, Francesc. https://serhistorico.net/2018/04/04/el-bibliocausto-en-la-espana-de-franco-1936-1939/‎

‎Le Capital‎

‎Librairie du Progrès - Directeur Maurice Lachatre & Cie, Paris s.d (1875), 19,5x28cm, 351 pp, relié.‎

‎Edition originale française en premier tirage, traduite par Joseph Roy, en partie inédite car entièrement révisée et enrichie par Karl Marx. Bien complet des deux pages de titre à l'adresse de Lachatre, du portrait de Karl Marx en frontispice, du fac-similé de sa lettre à l'éditeur, et de la réponse de celui-ci au verso, qui sera supprimée des tirages suivants. Modeste reliure de l'époque en demi percaline bronze, dos lisse, titre et filets dorés, reliure signée d'une vignette en pied du contreplat, "Buchbinderei Schey & Co, Zürich". *** Cette première version française parue en livraisons entre 1872 et 1875, mais ne rencontra aucun succès, comme en témoigne l'éditeur dans une lettre à Marx le 24 décembre 1873 : « La vente est nulle sur votre livre (...). Le tirage se fait à 1100 exemplaires, presque tous au magasin ». Les cahiers invendus furent en partie assemblés et proposés en volumes brochés et reliés au début 1876. Mais le livre peine achevé, les libraires en sabotaient la diffusion. En juin 1879, La Châtre écrit à Marx: «Il reste encore trois cents exemplaires des dernières livraisons qui avaient été tirées à mille. On aurait donc vendu seulement 600 ou 700 exemplaires dans une période de six ans. C'est un bien triste résultat ... » Ce fut une déception majeure pour Karl Marx qui s'était particulièrement investi dans cette édition française, la seule traduction dont il ait assuré la révision, et la dernière de son vivant. Karl Marx: «désirait intervenir avec Le Capital dans les débats théoriques et politiques français, fortement marqués par l'héritage de Proudhon, dans un pays où l'Internationale était plus concrètement organisée que partout ailleurs et dont la capitale s'était « mise en Commune ». Le Capital, en France, c'était en quelque sorte l'épilogue d'un long débat théorique et politique commencé en langue française vingt années plus tôt avec la première polémique contre Proudhon. (...)Marx mena de front en 1872 la correction et révision de la traduction de Joseph Roy et le remaniement de la première édition allemande en vue de la deuxième édition chez l'éditeur Meissner. Ce double travail, dont les deux lignes s'entrecroisent en permanence, est en partie la cause des nombreuses différences qui subsistent entre les textes allemands de la 2e édition (et même des éditions ultérieures) et la version française que Marx remaniait parallèlement et séparément. A chaque phase du processus (préparation du texte de départ pour Roy, correction des épreuves pour Meissner, correction de la traduction envoyée par Roy, correction des épreuves envoyées par l'imprimeur), Marx introduisait des changements, au grand désespoir des imprimeurs. Chez beaucoup d'auteurs, cette division du travail en phases différentes aboutirait à un grand nombre de variantes brèves. Chez Marx, elle encourageait une tendance qui n'avait pas besoin d'être encouragée, la tendance à la réécriture perpétuelle, au palimpseste. » (Jean-Pierre Lefebvre, introduction à la réédition du Capital en 1983 aux Editions Sociales). Le 28 avril 1875, Karl Marx ajoute à un avis au lecteur qui paraitra dans la dernière livraison, page 348, précisant son investissement dans cette version française et son importance dans l'uvre du philosophe: «[La scrupuleuse traduction de M. J. Roy m'a] obligé à modifier la rédaction, dans le but de la rendre plus accessible au lecteur. Ces remaniements faits au jour le jour, puisque le livre se publiait par livraison, on été exécutés avec une attention inégale et ont dû produire des discordances de style. Ayant une fois entrepris ce travail de révision, j'ai été conduit à l'appliquer aussi au fond du texte original (la seconde édition allemande), à simplifier quelques développements, à en compléter d'autres, à donner des matériaux historiques ou statistiques additionnels, à ajouter des aperçus critiques, etc. Quelles que soient donc les imperfections littéraires de cette édition française, elle possède une valeur scientifique indépendante de l'originale et doit être consultée même par les lecteurs familiers avec la langue allemande.» Notre exemplaire, fut d'ailleurs sans doute acquis par un ccompatriote de Karl Marx puisqu'il fut relié à l'époque par un relieur de Zurich, Schey & Co. En 1957, il est acquis par un bibliophile à Zagreb, dans la Yougoslavie de Tito, comme en témoigne les marginalia de la page de garde. Triple ex-libris d'époque sur la page de garde et les deux pages de titre. Précieux exemplaire de l'édition française aussi capitale que l'originale allemande. - Photos sur www.Edition-originale.com - ‎

‎Der 18the Brumaire des Louis Napoleon [in: Die Revolution, eine Zeitschrift in zwanglosen Heften. Herausgegeben von J. Weydemeyer. Erstes Heft]. - [THE MOST IMPORTANT PROPOSITIONS IN THE MARXIST TEACHING ON THE STATE]‎

‎New-York, 1852. Bound in a later (ab. 1900) red full cloth binding with silver lettering to front board. A bit of wear to capitals, corners, and extremities. Front free end-paper with small repairs and strengthening. A couple of closed tears to blank outer margin of title-page (no loss and not affecting printing)Inner blank margins of the first few leaves strengthened (far from affecting text). Occasionally a few marginal notes. and underlinings. A near contemporary notice in Russian about the work has been inserted between the title-page and the preface. All in all a good copy with no major flaws. IV, (4), 62 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly scarce first edition of one of the absolutely most important writings by Marx - his seminal essay on the French coup of 1851, which not only constitutes our principal source for the understanding of Marx' theory of the Capitalist state (together with ""The Civil War in France""), but which is also the work in which Marx formulates for the first time his view of the role of the individual in history.""This work (i.e. ""The Eighteenth Brumaire""), written on the basis of a concrete analysis of the revolutionary events in France from 1848 to 1851, is one of the most important Marxist writings. In it Marx gives a further elaboration of all the basic tenets of historical materialism - the theory of the class struggle and proletarian revolution, the state and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Of extremely great importance is the conclusion which Marx arrived at on the question of the attitude of the proletariat to the bourgeois state. He says, - ""All revolutions perfected this machine instead of smashing it."". Lenin described it as one of the most important propositions in the Marxist teaching on the state. In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte Marx continued his analysis of the question of the peasantry, as a potential ally of the working class in the imminent revolution, outlined the role of the political parties in the life of society and exposed for what they were the essential features of Bonapartism."" (note 1 in the Preface to the Third German Edition (Engels, 1885) ).""The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon"" was written between December 1851 and March 1852 and originally published - as it is here - in 1852 in ""Die Revolution"", a German monthly magazine established by Joseph Weydemeyer and published in New York. In this cornerstone of modern political thought, Marx discusses the French coup of 1851 in which Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte assumed dictatorial powers and does so by treating actual historical events from the viewpoint of his materialist conception of history.Marx states that his purpose with the work is to ""demonstrate how the class struggle in France created circumstances and relationships that made it possible for a grotesque mediocrity to play a hero's part"" (preface to the second edition, 1869), and he famously formulates his view of the role of the individual in history (""Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please"" they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past"").If one wants to understand Marx' views on the capitalist state, ""The 18th Brumaire"" is absolutely essential, as it is to the understanding of the nature, the rise, and the meaning of fascism. Among Marxist scholars, there's wide consensus about regarding Louis Bonaparte's coup and rise to power as a forerunner of the fascism that is to emerge the 20th century. In the words of Engels: ""The fact that a new edition of ""The Eighteenth Brumaire"" has become necessary, thirty-three years after its first appearance, proves that even today this little book has lost none of its value. It was in truth a work of genius. Immediately after the event that struck the whole political world like a thunderbolt from the blue, that was condemned by some with loud cries of moral indignation and accepted by others as salvation from the revolution and as punishment for its errors, but was only wondered at by all and understood by none-immediately after this event Marx came out with a concise, epigrammatic exposition that laid bare the whole course of French history since the February days in its inner interconnection, reduced the miracle of December 2 to a natural, necessary result of this interconnection and in so doing did not even need to treat the hero of the coup d'état otherwise than with the contempt he so well deserved. And the picture was drawn with such a master hand that every fresh disclosure since made has only provided fresh proofs of how faithfully it reflected reality. This eminent understanding of the living history of the day, this clear-sighted appreciation of events at the moment of happening, is indeed without parallel. ...In addition, however, there was still another circumstance. It was precisely Marx who had first discovered the great law of motion of history, the law according to which all historical struggles, whether they proceed in the political, religious, philosophical or some other ideological domain, are in fact only the more or less clear expression of struggles of social classes, and that the existence and thereby the collisions, too, between these classes are in turn conditioned by the degree of development of their economic position, by the mode of their production and of their exchange determined by it. This law, which has the same significance for history as the law of the transformation of energy has for natural science - this law gave him here, too, the key to an understanding of the history of the Second French Republic. He put his law to the test on these historical events, and even after thirty-three years we must still say that it has stood the test brilliantly."" (Preface to the Third German Edition (Engels, 1885)).The work is incredibly scarce. OCLC lists no more than two copies in libraries world-wide: One in the USA: University of Wisconsin, one in France: Bibliothèque Nationale. We have not been able to locate a single copy at auction over the last 60 years.‎

‎Vie et doctrine de Karl Marx‎

‎Editions de la Nouvelle France , Les Grands Courants Malicorne sur Sarthe, 72, Pays de la Loire, France 1946 Book condition, Etat : Bon broché, sous couverture imprimée éditeur grand In-8 1 vol. - 412 pages‎

‎ 1ere édition Contents, Chapitres : 1. La vie de Karl Marx : L'enfance et les études - Les années de jeunesse - Les débuts de l'exil à Londres - De la crise de 1857 à la fondation de l'Internationale - Les années de maturité - Vieillesse et mort de Karl Marx - 2. La philosophie et la méthode de Karl Marx : Hegel et la formation de Karl Marx - La méthode de Karl Marx - Le matérialisme historique - L'évolution des sociétés - 3. Les doctrines économiques de Karl Marx : La théorie de la valeur - La théorie de la plus-value - Moyens de production morts et travail vivant - L'armée industrielle de réserve et la théorie des salaires - La misère croissante du prolétariat - La loi de concentration et l'éviction des petits producteurs - La théorie des crises - 4. La politique de Karl Marx : La lutte révolutionnaire dans la société capitaliste - La révolution sociale - L'Etat communiste selon Karl Marx - La société idéale - 5. Vue d'ensemble du système de Karl Marx legere petite déchirure sur le haut du plat inférieur de la couverture, sinon bon état, papier un peu jauni, mais propre‎

‎Zur Kritik der politischen Oekonomie. Erstes Heft [all that appeared]. - [THE BLUEPRINT FOR ""DAS KAPITAL"" - MAGNIFICENT ASSOCIATION-COPY]‎

‎Berlin, Franz Duncker, 1859. 8vo. Nice contemporary hafl calf with gilt lettering to spine. A bit of wear to extremities, markings after old label to front board and signs of vague damp staining to front board. A mostly faint damp stain to outer inner corner throrughout, but otherwise very nice. Title-page a bit dusty. Old library number (872) to front free end-paper and top of title-page and marginal pencil-annotations to a number of leaves. VIII, (2), 170 pp. Title-page with the ownership-signature of Alexander Appolonovich Manuilov to top of title-page and binding with his initials ""A. M."" in gold to the fot of spine.‎

‎Scarce first edition, in a magnificent association-copy, of the groundbreaking work, in which Marx first presents his revolutionizing theories of capitalism, forming the foundation for his main work ""The Capital"", which appeared eight year later. It is also in this milestone of political and economic thought that Marx presents his economic interpretation of history for the first time.Alexander Appolonovich Manuilov (1861-1929) was a Russian economist and politician, famous not only as one of the founding members of the Constitutional Democratic party (known as the Kadets), but also as the Russian translator of Marx' ""Zur Kritik..."", i.e. the present work. ""Manuilov graduated from the law department of the University of Novorossiia (Odessa, 1883). He began scholarly and pedagogical work in political economy in 1888. In 1901 he became head of a subdepartment at Moscow University, becoming assistant rector in 1905 and serving as rector from 1908 to 1911. He was dismissed by the tsarist government for attacking the ""extremes"" of Stolypin’s agrarian legislation. In the 1890’s he was a liberal Narodnik (Populist), later becoming a Constitutional Democrat (Cadet) and a member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party. Manuilov’s draft on agrarian reform (1905) was the basis for the Cadets’ agrarian program. V. I. Lenin sharply criticized Manuilov, calling him one of ""the bourgeois liberal friends of the muzhik who desire the ‘extension of peasant land ownership’ but do not wish to offend the landlords"" (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 11, p. 126, note).At the beginning of his scholarly career Manuilov accepted the labor theory of value. In 1896 he translated K. Marx’ work A Contribution to the Criticism of Political Economy (Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie). During the years of reaction he espoused subjectivist and psychological views in political economy. In 1917 he was minister of education of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution in 1917 he emigrated but soon returned and cooperated with Soviet power. He participated in the orthographic reform (1918). In 1924 he became a member of the board of Gosbank (State Bank). He taught in higher educational institutions. Changing to Marxist positions and relying on Lenin’s works, he criticized the revisionists and neo-Narodniks on the agrarian question."" (Encycl. Britt.).For many years, the exclusive focus on ""Das Kapital"" meant that the ""Kritik"" was overlooked. Since the beginning of the 1960's, however, scholars have become increasingly aware of its importance as the blueprint for the social and economic theory Marx shall go on to develop (see for example Raymond Aron, ""Le Marxisme de Marx"", 1962). It is here that Marx outlines the research programme to which he shall devote the rest of his working life. He himself described ""Das Kapital"" as a continuation of his ""Zur Kritik der politischen Oekonomie"" (see e.g. PMM 359), in which his primary concern is an examination of capital and in which he provides the theoretical foundation for his political conclusions later presented in ""Das Kapital"". ""I examine the system of bourgeois economy in the following order: capital, landed property, wage-labour" the State, foreign trade, world market.The economic conditions of existence of the three great classes into which modern bourgeois society is divided are analysed under the first three headings the interconnection of the other three headings is self-evident. The first part of the first book, dealing with Capital, comprises the following chapters: 1. The commodity, 2. Money or simple circulation" 3. Capital in general. The present part consists of the first two chapters."" (Preface to the present work, in the translation (by S.W. Ryazanskaya) of the Progress Publishers-edition, Moscow, 1977).Apart from the obvious importance of the work as the foundational precursor to what is probably the greatest revolutionary work of the nineteenth century, the ""Kritik"" is of the utmost importance in the history of political and economic thought, as it is here, in the preface, that Marx outlines his classic formulation of historical materialism. This preface contains the first connected account of what constitutes one of Marx's most important and influential theories, namely the economic interpretation of history - the idea that economic factors condition the politics and ideologies that are possible in a society.""The first work which I undertook to dispel the doubts assailing me was a critical re-examination of the Hegelian philosophy of law"" the introduction to this work being published in the Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbucher issued in Paris in 1844. My inquiry led me to the conclusion that neither legal relations nor political forms could be comprehended whether by themselves or on the basis of a so-called general development of the human mind, but that on the contrary they originate in the material conditions of life, the totality of which Hegel, following the example of English and French thinkers of the eighteenth century, embraces within the term ""civil society"""" that the anatomy of this civil society, however, has to be sought in political economy. The study of this, which I began in Paris, I continued in Brussels, where I moved owing to an expulsion order issued by M. Guizot. The general conclusion at which I arrived and which, once reached, became the guiding principle of my studies can be summarised as follows. In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or - this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms - with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure."" (Preface to the present work, in the translation (by S.W. Ryazanskaya) of the Progress Publishers-edition, Moscow, 1977).The work is a summation of Marx' many years of economic studies, mainly undertaken at the Reading Room of the British Museum, and it constitutes the first attempt at a general outline of his theories. Like his ""Capital"", the ""Critique"" was originally planned as a work in several volumes, but only this first volume appeared. The work, which was printed in a mere 1000 copies, is scarce and rarely seen on the market.‎

‎Kritika nekotorykh polozhenii politicheskoi ekonomii. (i.e.: ""Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie"", i.e.: ""A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy"". - [FIRST RUSSIAN TRANSLATION OF THE BLUEPRINT FOR ""DAS KAPITAL"" ]‎

‎Moscow, Izdanie Vladimira Bonch-Bruevicha, 1896. 8vo. In a later modest black half calf binding with marbled boards. Traces of stamp to verso of front and back board. Title-page slightly rubbed. Occassional underlignings in text and margins. Pp. 145-146 reinforced in margin. Otherwise a fine copy. XII, (4), (1)-160 pp.‎

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‎Exceedingly rare first Russian translation of this groundbreaking work, in which Marx first presents his revolutionizing theories of capitalism. The present work was to a large extent for years overshadowed by ‘Das Kapital’, and despite being published 8 years earlier (The original being published in 1859, ‘Das Kapital’ in 1867), the present work was not being translated until ‘Das Kapital’ had made Marx a household name in socialist and revolutionary circles which makes the present translation comparatively early (the first English translation being from 1904).The Russian censorship cut Marx’ preface in this first translation - the full text didn’t come out until the revolutionary decade of 1905-1917. This Manuilov/Rumiantsev-translation was remained the canonic-translation throughout the Soviet rule. The translation was made by Bolshevik revolutionary Petr Rumiantsev (1870-1924), who left the party in 1907 and emigrated in 1918, but the success of the present translation is primarily due to editor Manuilov. Editor Alexander Appolonovich Manuilov (1861-1929) was a Russian economist and politician, famous not only as one of the founding members of the Constitutional Democratic party (known as the Kadets), but also as the Russian translator of the present work. ""Manuilov graduated from the law department of the University of Novorossiia (Odessa, 1883). He began scholarly and pedagogical work in political economy in 1888. In 1901 he became head of a subdepartment at Moscow University, becoming assistant rector in 1905 and serving as rector from 1908 to 1911. He was dismissed by the tsarist government for attacking the ""extremes"" of Stolypin's agrarian legislation. In the 1890's he was a liberal Narodnik (Populist), later becoming a Constitutional Democrat (Cadet) and a member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party. Manuilov's draft on agrarian reform (1905) was the basis for the Cadets' agrarian program. V. I. Lenin sharply criticized Manuilov, calling him one of ""the bourgeois liberal friends of the muzhik who desire the 'extension of peasant land ownership' but do not wish to offend the landlords"" (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 11, p. 126, note).At the beginning of his scholarly career Manuilov accepted the labor theory of value. In 1896 he translated K. Marx' work A Contribution to the Criticism of Political Economy (Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie). During the years of reaction he espoused subjectivist and psychological views in political economy. In 1917 he was minister of education of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution in 1917 he emigrated but soon returned and cooperated with Soviet power. He participated in the orthographic reform (1918). In 1924 he became a member of the board of Gosbank (State Bank). He taught in higher educational institutions. Changing to Marxist positions and relying on Lenin's works, he criticized the revisionists and neo-Narodniks on the agrarian question."" (Encycl. Britt.). For many years, the exclusive focus on ""Das Kapital"" meant that the ""Kritik"" was overlooked. Since the beginning of the 1960's, however, scholars have become increasingly aware of its importance as the blueprint for the social and economic theory Marx shall go on to develop (see for example Raymond Aron, ""Le Marxisme de Marx"", 1962). It is here that Marx outlines the research programme to which he shall devote the rest of his working life. He himself described ""Das Kapital"" as a continuation of his ""Zur Kritik der politischen Oekonomie"" (see e.g. PMM 359), in which his primary concern is an examination of capital and in which he provides the theoretical foundation for his political conclusions later presented in ""Das Kapital"". ""I examine the system of bourgeois economy in the following order: capital, landed property, wage-labour" the State, foreign trade, world market. The economic conditions of existence of the three great classes into which modern bourgeois society is divided are analysed under the first three headings the interconnection of the other three headings is self-evident. The first part of the first book, dealing with Capital, comprises the following chapters: 1. The commodity, 2. Money or simple circulation" 3. Capital in general. The present part consists of the first two chapters."" (Preface to the present work, in the translation (by S.W. Ryazanskaya) of the Progress Publishers-edition, Moscow, 1977). Apart from the obvious importance of the work as the foundational precursor to what is probably the greatest revolutionary work of the nineteenth century, the ""Kritik"" is of the utmost importance in the history of political and economic thought, as it is here, in the preface, that Marx outlines his classic formulation of historical materialism. This preface contains the first connected account of what constitutes one of Marx's most important and influential theories, namely the economic interpretation of history - the idea that economic factors condition the politics and ideologies that are possible in a society. ""The first work which I undertook to dispel the doubts assailing me was a critical re-examination of the Hegelian philosophy of law"" the introduction to this work being published in the Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbucher issued in Paris in 1844. My inquiry led me to the conclusion that neither legal relations nor political forms could be comprehended whether by themselves or on the basis of a so-called general development of the human mind, but that on the contrary they originate in the material conditions of life, the totality of which Hegel, following the example of English and French thinkers of the eighteenth century, embraces within the term ""civil society"""" that the anatomy of this civil society, however, has to be sought in political economy. The study of this, which I began in Paris, I continued in Brussels, where I moved owing to an expulsion order issued by M. Guizot. The general conclusion at which I arrived and which, once reached, became the guiding principle of my studies can be summarised as follows. In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or - this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms - with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure."" (Preface to the present work, in the translation (by S.W. Ryazanskaya) of the Progress Publishers-edition, Moscow, 1977). OCLC only list three copies, all in the US (Havard, Wisconsin and Hoover Institute on War). ‎

‎Marx K. Engels F. Manifest Kommunisticheskoj partii.Podgotovitel' Rubinshtejn‎

‎In Russian. Short description: Marx K. Engels F. Manifesto of the Communist Party. Prepared by Rubinstein E. Hood. Pismannik G. Portraits of K. Marx and F. Engels by the artist Avvakumov N. Bas-relief of the authors by the sculptor Vasilik N. Institute. Moscow 1938. Managing editor V.V. Adoratsky. Portraits of K. Marx and F. Engels by the artist N. Avakumov. Bas-relief by sculptor N. Vasilyk. Text in Russian and German M. Partizdat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks 1938. Vladimir Viktorovich Adoratsky (August 7 (19) 1878 Kazan - June 5 1945 Moscow) - a member of the Russian revolutionary movement Soviet historian Marxist philosopher. Academician of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (1932) professor (1926) doctor of historical sciences (1934) [3]. In 19311939 Director of the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute in 19361939 also headed the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Adoratsky was one of the first philosophers to praise Stalin as the theoretician of Leninism and the leader of the world proletariat. In December 1929 in connection with the 50th anniversary of Joseph Vissarionovich leading Marxist philosophers were approached with a proposal to glorify Stalin as a great philosopher - a classic of Marxism. The director of the Institute of Marx and Engels academician Ryazanov and the director of the Institute of Philosophy academician Deborin refused but Adoratsky accepted the proposal and appeared in Izvestia with a corresponding article. This step predetermined his subsequent rise and status as the formal head of Soviet philosophy. In 1936 he headed the commission for the acquisition of the archive of Marx and Engels. The Manifesto of the Communist Party (German Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei) is the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in which the authors declare and justify the goals objectives and methods of struggle of the emerging communist organizations and parties. This important Marxist work states that the entire previous history of mankind is the history of class struggle. The authors proclaim the inevitability of the death of capitalism at the hands of the proletariat which will have to build a classless communist society with public ownership of the means of production. Please feel free to contact us for a detailed description of the copies available. SKUMS002165‎

‎Misère de la philosophie. Réponse à la Philosophie de la misère de M. Proudhon.‎

‎Paris, A. Frank, Bruxelles, C. G. Vogler, 1840. In-8 de (4) ff., 178 pp., (1) f. d'errata, demi-chagrin havane, dos à nerfs orné de fleurons dorés, titre doré, tête dorée, non rogné, couverture imprimée de papier bleu clair conservée (reliure vers 1870). ‎

‎Rare édition originale rédigée en français de ce livre charnière de la pensée marxiste.« Misère de la philosophie est dans l'ensemble de l'oeuvre de Marx une étape d'une grande importance, c'est une oeuvre à la fois de transition et de maturité. Elle constitue chez lui la première synthèse entre une philosophie méthodique et une économie politique à la fois objective et concrète » (Henri Mougin, préface à Marx, Misère de la philosophie, Paris, 1977).À l'automne 1843, journaliste fuyant la censure, Karl Marx (1818-1883) s'installe à Paris. D'abord élogieux à l'égard de Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) qu'il rencontre l'année suivante, son jugement devient rapidement plus critique. En 1846, depuis Bruxelles où il s'est installé en février de l'année précédente après son expulsion, Marx propose à Proudhon de participer au Comité de correspondance communiste. Dans une lettre de refus, l'anarchiste français fait état de ses points de désaccords avec le philosophe allemand : il l'exhorte à ne pas créer une "nouvelle religion, cette fois-ci athée" et prend ses distances avec l'idée d'un recours à l'action révolutionnaire pour faire avancer la cause du prolétariat. Enfin, Proudhon révèle à son cadet qu'il s'apprête à publier un livre proche de ses préoccupations, Système des contradictions économiques ou Philosophie de la misère, pour lequel il avoue naïvement : "J'attends votre férule critique".C'est donc à Bruxelles durant l'hiver 1846-1847 que Marx rédige en français son essai, véritable écrit de combat. Il y réfute de manière cinglante les fondements philosophiques et économiques de la doctrine proudhonienne et le caractère utopique de celle-ci. Il rejette notamment son refus de la grève ou son idée de taxe à la consommation et montre qu'il confond valeur d'usage et valeur d'échange.Proudhon songea d'abord à une réfutation en règle de Marx, annotant un exemplaire, mais il opta finalement pour un mépris hautain face à l'échec commercial du pamphlet. Dans ses Carnets, le Franc-comtois aura cette formule lapidaire : "Marx est le ténia du socialisme".Très bel exemplaire, non rogné et avec sa couverture, complet du feuillet d'errata.Des bibliothèques Georges Flore et Geneviève Dubois et Hans Lutz Merkle (1913- 2000) ("FeuerbacherHeide") avec ex-libris.Maximilien Rubel, Bibliographie des oeuvres de Karl Marx, 55. ‎

‎Kapitaal en Arbeid. Bewerkt door F. Domela Nieuwenhuis. - [THE RARE FIRST DUTCH TRANSLATION]‎

‎The Hague, Liebers & Co, (1881). 8vo. Uncut in the original printed wrappers. Spine missing some of the paper and upper part of front wrapper and lower part of back wrappers detached. Wrappers brownspotted and previous owner's name in pencil to upper margin of front wrapper. Pp. 37-40 missing some of the paper in upper margin - far from affecting text, otherwise internally fine and clean. VII, 82 pp.‎

‎The rare first Dutch translation of Marx’s “Lohnarbeit und Kapital” (i.e. ""Wage Labour and Capital"") here in the exceedingly rare printed wrappers, presumably being the only known copy in wrappers. This seminal work by Karl Marx, which, due to its aim to be a popular exposition of his central theories of capitalism and the economic relationships between workers and capitalists, became one of the most generally influential and widely read of Marx' works. It is widely considered the precursor to Das Kapital. ""Wage Labour and Capital"" was originally written as a series of newspaper articles in 1847 and was first published, however only fragmentarily, in the form of five articles in April 1849 in the ""Neue Rheinische Zeitung"". Because of the political conditions, the printing of the series had to be ended, and thus only these five articles appeared, as there was no sign of the rest of it between the papers of Marx that were found after his death. The work did not appear again until 1881. In 1891, Engels published a re-worked version of the article, which took into account Marx' later developments in his economic theory (for instance Engels inserted the distinction between ""labour"" and ""labour-power"", which Marx did not make in the original version), and during the 1890'ies the work appeared in numerous languages and in an enormous amount of editions. Marx' seminal theories that are made easily accessible in this important publication include his Labour Theory of Value, his Theory of Concentration of Capital, his Theory of Alienation etc., which were all later developed in the ""Capital"", three fundamental theories that have influenced all later economical-political thought. Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis (1846-1919), a Dutch socialist. ""Originally a Lutheran pastor (1870-1879), he left the church, founded the socialist weekly Recht voor Allen (1879). He played a leading part in developing the Social-Democratic movement in the Netherlands" was elected to parliament for a term (1881-1891)" disappointed in legislating social reform, he turned to anarchism (1890s). He authored a number of propaganda brochures."" (Draper: The Marx-Engels Glossary, p. 154.)‎

‎Souvenirs sur Marx et Engels. Traduit du russe par A. Roudnikov et R. Rodov.‎

‎Moscou, Editions en Langues Etrangères, sans date (circa années 1950) ; in-8, pleine percaline havane, titre doré au dos ; 381 pp. , 36 pp. , (2) pp. , 24 planches de portraits en noir et blanc à pleine page hors-texte, 15 illustrations in-texte. ‎

‎Toile légèrement frottée , sinon exemplaire en bon état. ‎