Amsterdam et Leipzig, Chez Jean Schreuder, 1765. 4to. Uncut in the original marbled boards. Professionally rebacked preserving almost all of the original back. The fragile orginal binding is here preserved in its entirety, and it has quite a bit of overall wear. Apart from a small hole to two leaves in the index, affecting ab. one work on each of the four pages, it is internally nice and clean. Title-page printed in red and black. Beautiful eng. title-vignette and a few other woodcut vignettes and initials. (4), XVI, (2), 540, (18) pp.
First edition thus, being the first collected edition of Leibnitz' philosophical works in French and Latin, and containing the FIRST PRINTING of one of Leibnitz' most important philosophical works, his ""Nouveaux essays sur l'entendement humain"" (New Essays on Human Understanding), in which he attacks and refutes Locke and his ""Essay on Human Understanding"" and gives important testimony to his own philosophical ideas. With its 496 pages, this extensive work takes up most of this collection of philosophical works, and it also constitutes one of his largest and most important of his philosophical works. As explained by Raspe, the editor, in his preface to this publication, ""LES NOUVEAUX ESSAIS SUR L'ENTENDEMENT HUMAIN, qui sont la partie principale de recueil, sont connûs trés imparfaitement par l'histoire de la Philosophie de Leibnitz, que Mr. Ludovici a publiée"" (p. X), and the reason why the work was known, even though it had not been published, is because of a letter that Leibnitz had written in 1714, in which he explains why he did not wish to publish the work. Raspe quotes the letter (p. X), from which it becomes clear that Leibnitz had not wished to publish an attack on Locke and his work, because Locke had died in 1704 (the same year that Leibnitz had actually written the work), and because Leibnitz was against publishing refutations of dead authors: ""Mais je me suis degouté de publier des refutations des Auteurs morts, quoiqu'elles dissent paroitre Durant leur vie & étre communiqués à eux memes"". Raspe points to the nobleness of this decision, but he also points to what could be other reasons for Leibnitz not wishing to publish his seminal work, one of them being that towards the end of his life (he died in 1716), he did not wish to enter into any more controversies with the British, since he was already engaged in two very important ones that occuopied much of his time and energy: The first concerned the invention of the differential calculus, the second was against Mr. Clarke on liberty and important metaphysical and theological questions. Another reason could also be that he did not want to begin controversies with the friends of Locke, who at that time were many and important.Locke's ""An Essay Concerning Human Understanding"", which is the work here being refuted by Leibnitz, became the crucial groundwork for the future empiricists with David Hume in the foreground, and thus Leibnitz' work, though published posthumously, probably came to play a bigger role in the history of philosophy than it would have done had it been published just after he wrote it. Few philosophers of his time were susceptible to Leibnitz' ideas and his application of logic to the problems of metaphysics, as most of them were far more receptive to Locke's empiricism. However, when Leibnitz' ""Nouveaux essays..."" was finally published here in his ""Oeuvres philosophiques"" in 1765, it became hugely influential and was also an important factor in the development of Kant's transcendental philosophy.The hugely famous work by Locke, in which he stated his famous theory that the mind of the newborn is like a blank slate (tabula rasa) and concluded that all ideas come from experience and that there are no such things as innate principles, was generally sharply criticized by the rationalists, the most important of them being Leibnitz. Leibnitz' response, his ""Les nouveaux essays sur l'entendement humain"" constitutes the most important of the rationalist responses and it is written in the form of a chapter-by-chapter refutation. He refutes the major premise of Locke's work, that the senses are the source of all understanding, primarily by adding to this ""except the understanding itself"", thus going on to distinguish between his three levels of understanding, which are part of the centre of his philosophy.For Leibnitz as well as for Locke the great inspiration was Descartes, but they chose two fundamentally different directions, Locke the materialistic one and Leibnitz the idealistic one. The present work represents the greatest clash between the two giants of late 17th century philosophy. The effect of Leibnitz' work was enormous, and among the Germans he invoked a great passion for philosophical studies. Leibnitz represents a striking contrast to both Locke with his empiricism and Spinoza. One earlier collection of some of Leibnitz' works had been printed before this one, but it did not contain his ""New Essays on Human Understanding"", and only consisted of his ""Smaller Philosophical Works"". This is the German 1740-edition ""Kleinere philosohische Schriften"". The other writings contained in this publication are ""Examen du sentiment du P. Malebranche que nous voyons tout en Dieu"", """"Dialogus de connexione inter res & verba"", ""Difficultates quaedam Logicae"", ""Discours touchant la methode de la certitude & de l'art d'inventer"", ""Historia et commendatio charactericae universalis quae simul sit ars inveniendi"".Graesse IV:152.
Paris, Librairie delagrave , 1920; in-12, 228 pp., br. Émile Boutroux, Henri Poincaré, manque sur le bas du dos.
Émile Boutroux, Henri Poincaré, manque sur le bas du dos.
"(LEIBNITZ, G.W.) G.G.L. [= GOTTFREDUS GUGLIELMUS LEIBNITZ el. LEIBNIZ].
Reference : 41371
(1702)
Lipsiae [Leipzig], Gross, Frisch and Groschuf, 1702. 4to. Entire volume present. Bound in a nice contemporary full vellum with handwritten year and an old library-label to spine. A bit of soiling. Internally evenly brownspotted throughout, occasionally with heavier brownspotting (not the Leibnitz-article). Discreet stamp ti title-page and to first leaf of text. Pp. 210-219 + one folded plate (""Regulae universales pro fractionibus numeratoris indeterminati...""). [Entire volume: (2), 566 pp. + 9 folded engraved plates.
First edition of Leibnitz' important work on the integration of rational fractions, the ""New specimen of the Analysis for the Science of the infinite about Sums and Quadratures"", in which Leibnitz investigates the factorization of real polynomials and thus comes close to the ""fundamental theorem of algebra"" (the theorem that states that every non-constant single-variable polynomial with complex coefficients has at least one complex root, and that field of complex numbers is algebraically closed), which was not attempted proven until 1746 (by d'Alembert, whose proof was incomplete), and which was not actually proven before the 19th century (by Argand, and more fully by Gauss).The present work constitutes the first printing of Leibniz' new examples of calculating with infinite numbers, a most fundamental work for the further development within algebraic equations and integral formulae.Apart from Leibnitz' ""Scientia infiniti"", the present volume also includes an essay by Halley on Hooke's barometer (pp. 180-83, one engr. Plate depicting a barometer).
Lausanne & Genève, Bousquet, 1745, 2 volumes in 4 reliés en plein chagrin noir, toutes tranches dorées, (dos légèrement frottés, quelques rousseurs), T.1 : (2), 28pp., 484pp., T.2 : (1), 493pp., 23 planches
---- EDITION ORIGINALE ---- Sans le portrait qui manque souvent. Celui-ci fait également défaut aux exemplaires mentionnés dans la Babson collection sous le N° 196 (2 exemplaires), dans Ravier (bibliographie des oeuvres de Leibnitz) N° 427 et dans Honeyman ---- "Important for containing the evidence, as embodied in the correspondence between Leibnitz and Jean Bernoulli, on the question of the rival claims to priority in the invention of the calculus, between Newton and Leibnitz. It was the only serious claim published in Leibnitz's favor and a tardy answer to the Commercium Epistolicum, which gave the evidence in Newton's favor. However little the merits of Leibnitz's claim may be, as to its origination (although it is now generally acknowledged that his invention was an independent one), there can be no doubt as to the superiority of his notation to Newton's fluxional one, which was stubbornly adhered to at the english universities and prevented this country from having any important share in the progress of the calculus for more than a century after its invention". (Babson N° 196) -- Honeyman N° 1975**3242/ARB2
Leipzig, 1721. 4to. Both entire volumes (Acta Eruditorum 1721 + Supplementa VII, 1721) present, in uniform contemporary full vellum bindings with handwriting to spines. A small later label to top of spines. Old handwritten ex libris-inscription to top of both title-pages as well as a small stamp. The supplement-volume with an additional stamp to title-page, and both volumes with library label (Archiv des k.k. militär.-geograf Institutes) to pasted down front free end-paper. As usual some brownspotting. A nice set. pp. 500-514 (Supplement-vol.) + pp. 94-95. [Entire volumes: (2), 537, (39) pp. + three plates (Suppl.-vol.) + (4), 547, (42) pp. + five plates].
The highly important first Latin translation of Leibnitz' seminal ""The Monadology"" - his main philosophical work and the work that stands as the epitomization of anti-materialism - which was not published in the original French until 1814, and which only appeared in a German translation (exceedingly scarce) in 1720 and in a Latin translation, by Christian Wolff, in 1721, as it is here. Up until then, Leibnitz' key philosophical text had only circulated in manuscript form (written in 1714). - Here sold together with Wolff's anonymously written review of (the German version of the) ""Monadology"", which had great impact upon the reception of the seminal philosophical text that is the ""Monadology"".""Until the XXth century, criticism about Leibniz's ""Principles of Nature and Grace"" and ""Monadology"" has been characterised by a number of mistakes and misunderstandings, which have roots in the circumstances surrounding the genesis of these manuscripts. As a consequence, erroneous information about these texts was included in an anonymous review, published in 1721 in the ""Acta eruditorum"" of Leipzig. Research on primary sources proves that the author of this review (who was in fact the author of the latin translation of the Monadology, published immediately afterwards) was Christian Wolff, who was in possession of a copy of Leibniz's manuscript as early as 1717. Wolff's initiative of translating the Monadology can be seen as part of a cultural strategy aiming to prevent any idealistic interpretation of Leibniz's monadological thought. From this point of view, to consider the theory of pre-established harmony as based on a system of strictly dualistic metaphysics was an essential element of Wolff's philosophical strategy.""(Antonio Lamarra: Contexte génétique et première reception de la ""Monadologie"". Leibniz, Wolff et la doctrine de l'harmonie préétablie""). During his last stay in Vienna from 1712 to September 1714, Leibniz wrote two short texts, which were meant as concise expositions of his philosophy, namely the ""Principes de la Nature et de la Grace fondés en raison"" (written as a letter to Prince Eugene of Savoy) and the work we now know as the ""Monadology"" (which he had been asked to write by Nicolas Redmond, Duke of Orleons) - the latter being the work that established Leibnitz' fame as a philosopher and which has gone down in history as, not only as one of the most important philosophical texts of the 18th century, but also, arguably the most important work of immaterialism. After his death ""Principes de la Nature et de la Grace fondés en raison"" appeared in French in the Netherlands. Without having seen this publication, Christian Wolff and collaborators had assumed that it contained the French original of the ""Monadology"" as well, although this in fact remained unpublished until 1840. Thus it happened that Leibnitz' key philosophical text, which came to be known as ""The Monadology"", was printed in German and Latin ab. 120 years before it appeared in the original French. The German translation appeared in 1720 as ""Lehrsätze über die Monadologie"" and the following year the Latin translation appeared, in Acta Eruditorum, as ""Principia philosophiae"". Three manuscript versions of the text exist: the first written by Leibniz and overcharged with corrections and two further emended copies with some corrections appearing in one but not the other. ""Leibniz was one of the last ""universal men"" of the type which the Italian Renaissance had ideally postulated: philosopher, historian, mathematician, scientist, lawyer, librarian, and diplomat. In all these fields either all his actual achievements or his seminal suggestions have become part and parcel of European thought. Although trained for the law, mathematics was his favourite subject. Independently of Newton he worked out the infinitesimal calculus, introduced a number of mathematical symbols now in general use, and constructed an early calculating machine, the ancestor of our computers. Mathematical conceptions also determine his philosophy. In it, Leibniz tried to combine physics and metaphysics and to reconcile philosophy and theology. The ""essay on a Theodicy"" is the only larger philosophical work published by himself"" but his fame as a philosopher rests on his ""Theory of Monads"". The original French text of this was published for the first time in 1840"" but it had circulated in manuscript in its initial form of a letter addressed to Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714) and it was printed in German (1720) and Latin (1721) translations. Leibniz proclaimed a ""pre-established harmony"" of the universe which he explained as composed of hierarchically ordered ""monads"", i.e. the ultimate substances of mind as well as matter. This concept clearly reflects the ideal of the properly organized absolutist state of the baroque period and derives partly from the ""idées simples"" of Descartes whom Leibniz greatly admired. A generation later, Voltaire ridiculed the ""pre-established harmony"" in ""Candide"""" but modern nuclear science has vindicated Leibniz's basic ideas, albeit from different presuppositions."" (Printing and the Mind of Man, pp. 105-6). The ""Monadology"" is an extremely condense work that consists of 90 (in this Latin version, 93) numbered sections/paragraphs, which outline a metaphysics of a single substance. The Monadology ends the dualistic mind-body-problem of Descartes and offers a new solution to the question of the interaction between mind and matter, by explaining the pre-established harmony and the synchronous (not causal) relationship between the realm of final causes and that of efficient causes. Leibniz' groundbreaking work came to profoundly influence not only 18th century thought, but also much later philosophy and logic. For this we have to thank Christian Wolff, the translator of the ""Monadology"" into Latin and the first reviewer of the work. It is through Wolff and his elaboration of the development of Leibniz' speculative and metaphysical views that Leibniz becomes a recognized figure of importance, particularly in Germany from the 1720'ies onwards, where Wolff's writings were standardly studied. ""Notably, Wolff's Leibnizianism made a deep impact on Kant, in whose ""Critique of Pure Reason"" (1781) Leibniz himself came to figure as one of the main targets of Kant's anti-metaphysical programme. In particular, Kant saw Leibniz as pretending to ""a priori"" knowledge of the world as it is in itself and presented his own claim that the only knowledge we can have is of the world as it appears in our experience as sharply opposed to the Leibnizian vision. [...] today shows that his thought has survived even the extreme empiricism of the Vienna Circle in the 1930s, which would have viewed its principal doctrines as unverifiable and hence utterly meaningless. Although not in evidence in the ""Monadology"" itself, one of Leibniz' preoccupations was with the philosophy of logic and language, and the twentieth-century's concern for those topics has discovered in what he had to say about them a treasure house of good sense and wisdom which can be detached from the less appealing of his metaphysical speculations. Then, more recent writers who have been interested in the metaphysics of possibility and necessity have found inspiration in the Leibnizian image of possible worlds, and that too has helped keep his name alive for us."" (Savile, ""Leibniz and the Monadology"", pp. 6-7). ""The long span of Leibniz' intellectual life and his early involvement with philosophy made for engagement with a wide variety of philosophical traditions and issues. Early studies at home exposed him to the thought of the Scholastics"" during his university years he was something of a materialist, influenced by the atomism of Bacon and Gassendi. In his mid-20s and early 30s, becoming disenchanted with the intellectual prospects for materialist thought, he turned towards the sort of immaterialism that came to shape his mature thinking after the decade between 1675 and 1685 when he was more narrowly concerned with mathematics than philosophy. It is this anti-materialism that is epitomized in the ""Monadology"" itself...Although Leibniz produced a prodigious quantity of philosophical writing very little of it was published in his lifetime"" indeed, very little was intended for publication. For the most part..., his philosophical thoughts were prepared for individual scholars he had met, or with whom he corresponded, and were never presented as a worked-out system... it was not until the last period of his life that he found the time and the impetus to set down the whole, which he did in two condensed papers written in French during a visit to Vienna.The more popular and less taxing of these was the ""Principles of Nature and Grace Founded on Reason"", which he prepared for Prince Eugène of Savoy, and the second, which he had been asked to write by the councellor of the Duke of Orleans, Nicolas Remond, but never sent off, was the ""Principles of Philosophy"" or, as he called it ""Elucidation Concerning Monads"" ... The title by which that work is known today, ""Monadology"", was not one that Leibniz ever gave it, but was invented by the work's first editor, Henrich Kohler, who published it in a German translation under that title in 1720."" (Savile, ""Leibniz and the Monadology"", pp. 3-4). ""Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) was one of the great thinkers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and is known as the last ""universal genius"". He made deep and important contributions to the fields of metaphysics, epistemology, logic, philosophy of religion, as well as mathematics, physics, geology, jurisprudence, and history. Even the eighteenth-century French atheist and materialist Denis Diderot, whose views were very often at odds with those of Leibniz, could not help being awed by his achievement, writing in his entry on Leibniz in the Encyclopedia, ""Perhaps never has a man read as much, studied as much, meditated more, and written more than Leibniz... What he has composed on the world, God, nature, and the soul is of the most sublime eloquence. If his ideas had been expressed with the flair of Plato, the philosopher of Leipzig would cede nothing to the philosopher of Athens."" (""Oeuvres complètes"", vol. 7, p. 709) Indeed, Diderot was almost moved to despair in this piece: ""When one compares the talents one has with those of a Leibniz, one is tempted to throw away one's books and go die quietly in the dark of some forgotten corner."" (""Oeuvres complètes"", vol. 7, p. 678) More than a century later, Gottlob Frege, who fortunately did not cast his books away in despair, expressed similar admiration, declaring that ""in his writings, Leibniz threw out such a profusion of seeds of ideas that in this respect he is virtually in a class of his own."" (""Boole's logical Calculus and the Concept-script"" in ""Posthumous Writings"", p. 9)."" (SEP).Ravier: 357(PMM 177b - being the Latin translation)
Hannover, Zu finden bey Nicolai Försters und Sohns sel. Erben, 1735. 8vo. Cont.full vellum w. author and title in old hand on back. Bdg. a bit soiled. Internally a bit of brownspotting., title-page w. professionally repaired tear. Inner front-hinge starting to crack, but bdg. and bookblock tight. Overall a good and fairly well preserved copy. With engr. portrait, woodcut vignettes and one folded engr. plate depicting an early calculating machine. (28), 64, 1030 pp.
Rare third German edition. Last Richter-edition. First published in French in 1710. It is the only larger philosophical work, Leibnitz himself published and it is a work of immense importance to philosophy, theology and mathematics. In this work Leibniz represents his excellent calculating machine, which has served as the basis for what we now call a computer, as he presents the binary arithmetic, ""Rechnen mit Null und Eins"" (""calculating with zero and one"") in the Beylage (p. 926), which forms the basis for the much later developed computer science (see PMM 177). This work contains ""Anmerkungen"" by Richter and ""Lebens=Beschreibung"" by Fontenelle, followed by ""Beylage"". In these ""Beylage"" we find the method of converting numbers into the binary system, which here is said to be ""etwas recht neues, welches der Herr Leibnitz zu Hanover erfunden"" (""something brand new, which Mr. Leibnitz von Hanover has discovered"") as well as ""Eine Schrift. In welcher klar gezeiget wird/ dass nicht Herr Neuton,sondern der Herr von Leibnitz Erfinder des CALCULI DIFFERENTIALIS sey."" (A Treatise. In which it is clearly shown/ that Mr. Leibniz and not Mr. Newton is the inventor of the CALCULI DIFFERENTIALIS"").All early editions of the Theodicee are rare. See D.S.B.: VIII, pp. 161-166.
1692 1692 Paris. Jean Anisson. 1692. 1 volume in-12, pleine basane brune, dos à nerfs orné. Reliure légèrement frottée, coiffes et coins fatigués. [4] ff. ; 147 pp. ; [1] p. bl. ; [1] f. ; 185 pp. ; [1] p. bl.
Édition originale d'un riche échange épistolaire entre le grand philosophe Leibnitz et Paul Pellisson historiographe du Roi, protestant devenu catholique en 1790. Les deux écrivains entretiennent dans leur correspondance, par l'intermédiaire de Madame de Brignon, une intense réflexion sur la réunification des Églises chrétiennes.Ces lettres sont suivies d'un recueil d'additions, comportant d'autres lettres des deux penseurs, des débats historiques sur la communion des Églises d'Allemagne, et 3 éloges du Roi. Intéressante note au crayon à la première garde. Rousseurs. « Volume peu commun » Brunet III, 951.
Paris, Jean Anisson, 1692. Small8vo. Cont. full mottled calf. Very skillfull rebacked in old style. Gilt titlelabel in leather on back. All edges gilt. (8),147,(2),185 pp. First and last leaves slightly browned in margins, otherwise fine, printed on good paper.
The scarce first edition of Leibnitz' important work on the tolerance of religions. Leibnitz was interested in the question of religious controversy all of his life, and already at a young age, he studied Laurentius Valla and Luther. According to Leibnitz, one of the resons for religious controversy and dispute lies in the lack of adequate method for discussing and debating such questions. He reflexts thoroughly on the nature of religious controversy. What he means with tolerance of relions is precicely the possibily of discussing religious matters freely on the basis of normative rules that tells us how to conduct the debate.
Delagrave, Nouvelle collection classique d'ouvrages philosophiques, 1938 12 x 19, 231 pp., broché, Très bon état
Notice biographique et philosophique sur Leibnitz - Philosophie de Leibnitz - La monadologie - Extraits des uvres philosophiques de Leibnitz
Louvain, C.-J. Fonteyn 1845 x + 210pp., reliure cart. moderne solide (dos décolorié), tranches supérieures rouges, bilingue: latin avec la traduction en français en regard, texte frais sauf très peu de rousseurs, bon état, F117210
Amsterdam, D. Mortier, 1720. Bound in one contemporary full calf. Spine richly blindtooled. XLI,(3),520 pp. + 1 fold. table. A fine clean copy.
The scarce third edition of Leibnitz' importent treatise on the goodnes of God, the free will of man and the causes of evil in the world, The principal subject of the work being the problem of liberty and free will. It is the only larger philosophical work published by Leibnitz himself.Ravier No 67 (the first ed. from 1710) - PMM: 177 (1710-edition).
Paris, Tournachon-Molin et H.Seguin/Le Clere 1819 xix + 439pp., 21cm., Première traduction en français de l'ouvrage en latin "Systema theologicum" de Leibniz, avec le texte latin en regard, reliure cart. (dos en cuir avec titre et faux-nerfs dorés, texte frais sauf quelques rares rousseurs, petit cachet sur la fausse page de titre, bon état, F113610
P., Mallet-Bachelier, 1856, un volume in 4 relié en demi-toile noire, dos orné de filets dorés (reliure postérieure), 15pp., 293pp., (1)
---- PREMIERE EDITION FRANCAISE ---- Babson N° 189 : "The leibnitz-Newton controversy. A very complete compilation covering this famous controversy" ---- "This is the celebrated report drawn up by order of the Royal Society and consisting of a selection from the correspondence of John Collins with some of the most celebrated mathematicians of the time, which was to substantiate Keill's charges against Leibnitz of having derived the fundamental ideas of his calculus from papers by Newton, said to have been communicated to him through Collins and Oldenbrug. Although greatly biased in Newton's favour, the work is nevertheless a repertory of the utmost value to the history of science. It was not until De morgan reviewed the case (1846) that a greater spirit of fairness was shown. Probably both these great men had the same idea independently". (Babson N° 186 1712 london ed.)**7223/K1-7224/?
Tours, Alfred Mame et Fils, 1870, gr. in-8vo, XXXI + 380 p., reliure en toile, ornement doré sur le plat devant, dos passé, tranches dorées.
Phone number : 41 (0)26 3223808
Paris, Delagrave, 1966. in-12, IV-231 pages, broche, couv.
Bon exemplaire. [CL-4]
Paris, Firmin Didot Frères, libraires, imprimeurs de l'institut de France, rue Jacob, 56 Relié 1839 In-8 (18,2 x 26,5 cm), reliure demi-peau, dos à 4 nerfs, gardes couleur, XVII-676 pages, Essai sur l'entendement humain revu, corrigé et accompagné de notes par F. Thurot ; dos insolé, coiffe supérieure abîmée, épidermures sur le cuir, coupes frottées, rousseurs à l'intérieur, état moyen. Livraison a domicile (La Poste) ou en Mondial Relay sur simple demande.
(LEIBNITZ, G.W.) G.G.L. [= GOTTFREDUS GUGLIELMUS LEIBNITZ el. LEIBNIZ].
Reference : 44416
(1820)
Mainz, Simon Müller'schen Buchh., 1820. Contemp. full mottled calf. Titlelabel with gilt lettering. VI,CXXVI,346,(2) pp. A faint dampstain to lower right corners of thelast ca. 40 lvs. Clean and printed on good paper. German-Latin paralelltext.
Delagrave.. 1966. In-12. Broché. Bon état, Tâchée, Dos plié, Intérieur frais. 231 pages.. . . . Classification Dewey : 100-PHILOSOPHIE ET DISCIPLINES CONNEXES
Edition annotée, et précédée d'une exposition du système de Leibnitz par Emile Boutroux. Note terminale sur les principes de la mécanique dans Descartes et Leibnitz par Heni Poincaré. Classification Dewey : 100-PHILOSOPHIE ET DISCIPLINES CONNEXES
Alfred Mame & Fils, Tours. 1870. In-8. Broché. Etat passable, Plats abîmés, Dos abîmé, Quelques rousseurs. 380 pages. Dos fendu, séparant l'ouvrage en 2 parties. Légères mouillures.. . . . Classification Dewey : 210-Philosophie et théorie
'Les Apologistes du Christianisme au XVIIe siècle', sous la dir. de Mgr Dupanloup. Pensées recueillies par M. EMERY (Saint-Sulpice), et suivies du 'Système théologique de Leibnitz', trad. par le Prince Albert de BROGLIE. Classification Dewey : 210-Philosophie et théorie
Paris, Félix Alcan, 1900. Fort vol. in-8 rel. de l'époque, demi-chagrin vert très foncé, dos à nerfs titré, plats marbrés, gardes flammées, tête dorée, XXVIII-820pp, table des matières.
Importante édition avec les notes de Paul Janet, qui sont d'un grandi ntérêt. Le relieur a commis une erreur en titrant le dos: 'La philosophie de Newton" et en intégrant les plats de ce livre sur ce texte de Leibnitz!. Ex. bien relié néanmoins et en bonne condition. - Frais de port : -France 6,9 € -U.E. 9 € -Monde (z B : 15 €) (z C : 25 €)
Paris Delagrave 1881, In Paris Delagrave 1881, In-12 broché, 231 pages. Bon état. Rare.
Toutes les expéditions sont faites en suivi au-dessus de 25 euros. Expédition quotidienne pour les envois simples, suivis, recommandés ou Colissimo.
Hannover, Im Verlage der Frösterischen Erben, 1763. 8°. Frontispiz, 10 n.n. Bl. 112 S., 908 S., 21 n.n. Bl. Register. Mit einer gefalteten gestochenen Tafel. Schlichter Halblederband der Zeit mit handschriftlichem Rückenschild.
Fünfte deutsche, zweite von Gottsched bearbeitete Ausgabe mit der Lobrede von Fontanelle auf Leibnitz, übersetzt von Louise Adelgunde Victorie Gottsched. Das Kupfer mit der berühmten Leibnitzschen Rechenmaschine. - Einband beschabt und an den Ecken bestossen. Rücken am Kapital und an der Stehkante mit kleinen Abrissen. Rückenschild mit Fehlstellen. Durchgehend stärker stockfleckig und gebräunt. - Unbeschnittenes breitrandiges Exemplar.
P., Delagrave, 1930, in-12, br., non rogné, IV-231 pp. (SC85)
Publiée d'après les manuscrits et accompagnée d'éclaircissements par Émile Boutroux; suivie d'une note sur les principes de la mécanique dans Descartes et dans Leibnitz par Henri Poincaré. Nouvelle collection classique d'ouvrages philosophiques.
Paris, Ch. Delagrave, 1881. 231 pages. (19x12 Cm). Broché. Couverture imprimée. Deuxième plat manquant. Premier plat frotté. Corps-d'ouvrage en état correct.
Librairie Ch. Delagrave 1913 Publiée d'après les manuscrits et accompagnée d'éclaircissements par Emile Boutroux suivie d'une note sur les principes de la mécanique dans Descartes et dans Leibnitz par Henri Poincaré - 9e édition Etat correct 201 g