289 books for « darwin charles »Edit

‎De la fécondation des orchidées par les insectes et des bons résultats du croisement‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald & Cie, 1891, in-8, III pp; 352 pp; 34 fig, Percaline verte de l'éditeur, DARWIN, Charles De la fécondation des orchidées par les insectes et des bons résultats du croisement Paris, C. Reinwald, 1870, in-8, [4]-III-352 pp, 20 pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [A. Lenègre]. Première édition française de cet essai sur la co-évolution de la structure sexuelle des orchidées et des insectes qui les fécondent. Cet ouvrage a été conçu par Darwin comme une étude de cas détaillée de sa théorie de l'évolution. La première édition du texte fut publiée le 15 mai 1862. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. Quelques rousseurs claires, une charnière extérieure légèrement fendillée. Charnière intérieure fragile. (Réf. 94476) / 250.00 ? TTC Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon III pp; 352 pp; 34 fig‎

‎Voyage d'un naturaliste autour du monde fait à bord du navire Le Beagle de 1831 à 1836‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1875, in-8, [4]-VIII-552 pp, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [Lenègre], Quelques figures dans le texte. Édition originale de la traduction française du Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the Various Countries paru en 1839. Il s'agit du premier ouvrage de Darwin et le plus lu, après l'Origine des espèces. Il forme une relation de voyage importante en soi et par son rapport avec les idées de l'auteur sur l'évolution. La seconde édition anglaise, parue en 1845, a servi de base pour les diverses traductions. Cette version française, par Edmond Barbier (le troisième traducteur de l'Origine des espèces) est tardive : elle paraît plus de 30 ans après l'originale anglaise. Darwin voyage à bord du Beagle de 1831 à 1836, emportant avec lui les Principes de géologie de Charles Lyell, contradicteur de Lamarck. Le navire, commandé par le très conservateur Robert FitzRoy, quitte l'Angleterre en décembre 1831, vogue vers le Cap-Vert, puis vers le Brésil et l'Amérique du Sud; il reste plusieurs mois à Valparaiso; en septembre - octobre 1835, il est aux Galapagos, puis il reprend la navigation vers Tahiti, la Nouvelle-Zélande et l'Australie, les îles Cocos et le Cap de Bonne Espérance; il fait la route de retour en passant de nouveau par Bahia et le Cap-Vert; le voyage s'achève le 2 octobre 1836. Il "a été de loin l'événement le plus important de ma vie et a déterminé toute ma carrière" (Charles Darwin, Autobiographie). Le futur auteur de l'Origine des espèces y fait un grand nombre d'observations géologiques, récolte des organismes vivants ou fossiles et conserve une riche collection de spécimens, dont il envoie certains à Cambridge, accompagnés de lettres sur ses découvertes. Il s'insurge contre le douloureux spectacle de l'esclavage, qu'il observe au Brésil, et demeurera en raison de ce souvenir réticent à admettre l'homme comme une espèce vivante "domestiquée". Ex-libris gravé aux armes des ducs de Rivoli sur le contreplat, avec la devise "Victor et fidelis". Rousseurs, dos usé. O'Reilly, Tahiti, 916. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon [4]-VIII-552 pp.‎

‎Voyage d'un naturaliste autour du monde fait à bord du navire Le Beagle de 1831 à 1836‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1875, in-8, [4]-VIII-552 pp, 22-[1] pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur, Quelques figures dans le texte. Édition originale de la traduction française du Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the Various Countries paru en 1839. Il s'agit du premier ouvrage de Darwin et le plus lu, après l'Origine des espèces. Il forme une relation de voyage importante en soi et par son rapport avec les idées de l'auteur sur l'évolution. La seconde édition anglaise, parue en 1845, a servi de base pour les diverses traductions. La version française, par Edmond Barbier (le troisième traducteur de l'Origine des espèces) est tardive : elle paraît plus de 30 ans après l'originale anglaise. Darwin voyage à bord du Beagle de 1831 à 1836, ce qui lui permet de faire un grand nombre d'observations géologiques. Il récolte des organismes vivants ou fossiles, et conserve une riche collection de spécimens, dont il envoie certains spécimens à Cambridge, accompagnés de lettres sur ses découvertes. Selon ses propres mots, ce voyage "a été de loin l'événement le plus important de [sa] vie et a déterminé toute [sa] carrière" (Charles Darwin, Autobiographie). Non rogné. Étiquette ex-libris du Comte de Saint-Périer : René de Saint-Périer (1877-1950), archéologue et préhistorien français, qui fit les fouilles de la grotte de Lespugue Fente dans toute la longueur du plat supérieur. Rousseurs claires. O'Reilly, Tahiti, 916. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon [4]-VIII-552 pp., 22-[1] pp.‎

‎Les mouvements et les habitudes des plantes grimpantes‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1890, in-8, VIII-270-[1] pp, Percaline verte de l'éditeur, Seconde édition française (la première est de 1877). Figures sur bois dans le texte. L'ouvrage traite des plantes volubiles, plantes grimpant à l'aide des feuilles et plantes à vrilles. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. "Darwin's interest in climbing plants was not that of a systematic botanic but an attempt to discover what adaptive value the habit of climbing plants has" (DSB III, p. 575). Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon VIII-270-[1] pp.‎

‎De la fécondation des orchidées par les insectes et des bons résultats du croisement‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1870, in-8, [4]-III-352 pp, 20 pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [A. Lenègre], Première édition française de cet essai sur la co-évolution de la structure sexuelle des orchidées et des insectes qui les fécondent. Cet ouvrage a été conçu par Darwin comme une étude de cas détaillée de sa théorie de l'évolution. La première édition du texte fut publiée le 15 mai 1862. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. Quelques rousseurs claires, une charnière extérieure légèrement fendillée. Charnière intérieure fragile. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon [4]-III-352 pp., 20 pp. de‎

‎Les mouvements et les habitudes des plantes grimpantes‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1877, in-8, VIII-270-[1] pp, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [A. Lenègre], Première édition française. Figures sur bois dans le texte. L'ouvrage traite des plantes volubiles, plantes grimpant à l'aide des feuilles et plantes à vrilles. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. "Darwin's interest in climbing plants was not that of a systematic botanic but an attempt to discover what adaptive value the habit of climbing plants has" (DSB III, p. 575). Bon exemplaire, non coupé. Quelques rousseurs claires, principalement en début et en fin de volume. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon VIII-270-[1] pp.‎

‎La faculté motrice dans les plantes‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1882, in-8, [2]-XXVI-599 pp, 20 pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur, Première édition française, traduite de l'anglais annotée et augmentée d'une préface par le Dr. Edouard Heckel, directeur du Muséum d'histoire naturel de Marseille en 1879. Nombreuses figures sur bois dans le texte. Ce livre a été conçu par Darwin comme une extension de son ouvrage sur les plantes grimpantes, visant à montrer que les mêmes stratégies de croissance se retrouvaient ailleurs dans le règne végétal. La première édition est parue le 6 novembre 1880. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. Légers frottements. Quelques rousseurs sur les premiers et derniers feuillets. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon [2]-XXVI-599 pp., 20 pp. de‎

‎A fajok eredete a természeti kiválás útján vagyis az elonyös válfajok fenmaradása a létérti küzdelemben. [Hungarian - i.e. On the Origin of Species... Translated by Dapsy László and revised by Margó Tivadar]. 2 vols. - [THE FIRST HUNGARIAN ""ORIGIN OF SPECIES""]‎

‎Budapest, Kiadja a Természettudományi Társulat [Academy of Sciences], 1873 & 1874. 8vo. In two contemporary embossed full cloth bindings with gilt letter- and numbering to spine. Bindings with light wear, primarily affecting hindges. Previous owner's stamp to half title and title page in both volumes. Light occassional brownspotting, primarily affecting first and last leaves. An overall nice copy. XVI, (2), 303, (1)"" VII, (1), 361, (1) pp. + 1 leaf of Advertisement + 2 plates (A frontiespiece of Darwin and one listing the evolution of the different generations).‎

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‎The exceedingly rare first Hungarian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"". Together with the Serbian and the Spanish, the first Hungarian translation of the ""Origin"" is arguably the scarcest of all the translations of the work and very few copies of it are known. The Hungarian public was introduced to Darwinism early on when Ferenc Jánosi reviewed The Origin of Species in the Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review) half a year after it first appeared in English. Darwin's principal works were first published in Hungarian translation by the Royal Hungarian Natural Science Society (Királyi Magyar Természettudományi Társulat). Translator Dapsy László had been actively working to make Darwin and his idea known in Hungary. Through his articles, he consistently presented Darwinism as a possible model for the type of progressive society that Hungary should attempt to achieve, thus being one of the very earliest to apply Darwin's theories to human society and politics in general. ""Dapsy's translation, inspired by liberal ideals of progress, increasingly became part of the conservative discourse of Hungarian politics, reinterpreted and appropriated according to the nationalist agendas merging in Hungarian Society"". (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).Prior to his translation in 1872, Dapsy wrote Darwin: ""I am sorry to say that as yet, here such tendencies are received with a good deal of aversion, but I believe that by-and-by they will accept it, and it would be a great advancement for our political life too"". (Dapsy to Darwin, 12 June 1872). Darwin's response is not known. ""It is characteristic of the enlightened spirit of the country in this period that Darwin received academic recognition earlier in Hungary than in England. Although Cambridge did not honor Darwin until 1879, he was elected an honorary member of The Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1872, the same year on this occasion the renowned Hungarian zoologist Tivadar Margó visited him at Down.Historical circumstances played a major role in this quick appearance of Darwinism and its popularity in Hungary. The failure of the 1848-49 revolution and war of independence seemingly put an end to progressive political discourse, signaling an ideological crisis among the intelligentsia. In this context, the natural sciences with their 'eternal truths' promised a way out, inasmuch as science's promised objectivity might well serve as a politically neutral expression of progressive values"" (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).The present book was one of four scientific works published between 1872 and 1874 by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the others being Bernhard von Cotta's Geologie der Gegenwart (1865), Huxley's Lectures on the Elements of Comparative Anatomy (1864), and Tyndall's Heat Considered as a Mode of Motion (1863). An advertisement for these books occurs on the final leaf of vol. II.During Darwin's lifetime, 'Origin' was published in eleven different languages, some of them in more than one edition: The first foreign translation was the German (1860), followed by a Dutch (1860), French (1862), French (1862), Italian (1864), Russian (1864), Swedish (1869), Danish (1872), Hungarian (1873), Spanish (1877) and Serbian (1878), the last three by far being the rarest. OCLC locates only three complete copies: Paris Mazarin Library, University Library of Szeged and The Huntington Library, CA. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin only hold volume 1. Freeman 703.‎

‎Jinsoron (i.e. Japanese ""On the Ancestor(s) of Man"", Translated by Kozu Senzaburo, original title: ""Descent of Man""). 3 vols. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN INTO JAPANESE]‎

‎Tokyo, Ichibe Yamanaka., Meiji 14. (1881). 8vo. 3 volumes, all in the contemporary (original?) yellow wrappers (Traditional Fukuro Toji binding/wrappers). Extremities with wear and with light soiling, promarily affecting vol. 1. Title in brush and ink to text-block foot. A few ex-ownership stamps. Folding plate with repair. A fine set. 46 ff" 70 ff. + 9 plates of which 1 is folded" 72 ff. ""Vol. I contains prefaces to 1st and 2d editions of Descent of man Nos 936 & 944"" vol. II contains chapter 1 and vol. III chapter 2. All published, intended to form 9 vols containing chapters 1-7 and 21."" (Darwin-Online).‎

‎The exceedingly rare first translation of Darwin's Descent of Man and the first (partial) translation of Origin of Species, constituting the very first translation of any of Darwin's work into Japanese and, arguably, being the most influential - albeit in a different way than could be expected - of all Darwin-translations. ""The first translation of a book by Darwin was published in 1881: a translation of The Descent of Man, titled as Jinsoron (On the Ancestor(s) of Man"" Darwin 1881). The translator was a scholar of education, Kozu Senzaburo (...). In spite of its title, the book was actually a hybrid, which included a mixture of chapters of the Descent (namely, chapters 1-7 and 21) together with other texts: the Historical Sketch that Darwin appended to the third edition of the Origin (1861), and some sections taken from Thomas Huxley's Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature (Kaneko 2000). So this book can also be described as the first publication including a partial translation of a text from the Origin"" (Taizo, Translating ""natural selection"" in Japanese: from ""shizen tota"" to ""shizen sentaku"", and back?)Darwin's theories had a profound influence on Japan and Japanese culture but in a slightly different way than in the West: Darwinism was marked as social and political principles primarily embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. ""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII)Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 1099c‎

‎Charles Darwin Puteshestvie vokrug sveta na korable Bigl 1865. / Charles Darwi‎

‎"In Russian. Short description: Charles Darwin Puteshestvie vokrug sveta na korable Bigl. [The voyage round the world of the Beagle]. In 2 volumes. Translation ed. A. Beketova. - St. Petersburg: Prince A.S. Golitsyn; A. Golovachev printing house 1865. Short description: The first Russian lifetime edition of the famous journey of Charles Darwin (1809-1882) the founder of the species origin evolutionary theory. Frontispiece with a portrait of Charles Darwin engraved by A. Daugel. Rare full set in 2 volumes. Charles Darwin in 1831-1836 traveled around the world on the Beagle. The book gives a vivid description of the peoples the researcher met. He describes the nature flora and fauna of various regions of the globe in an unusually fascinating way. The materials of this journey helped Darwin in his formation as a scientist and served as the basis for the creation of the species variability doctrine. Along with the famous scientific expeditions of the 19th century this voyage under the command of Captain Robert Fitzroy occupies one of the prominent places. Rare full set in 2 volumes. Please feel free to contact us for a detailed description of the copies available. SKUMS001901"‎

‎Priruchennyie zhivotnyie i vozdelannyie rasteniya [i.e. Russian ""The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication"". Translated from English with the consent and assistance of the author by V. Kovalevsky. Edited by I. M. Sechenov, botanical sect... - [THE VERY FIRST PUBLICATION OF DARWIN'S 'VARIATION UNDER DOMESTICATION' IN ANY LANGUAGE. ]‎

‎St. Petersburg, 1868 [but in fact 1867-1869]. 8vo. In contemporary half calf with renewed spine. Inner hindges with repairs and boards with soiling and a few marks and holes to volume 1. Light foxing throughout, primarily affecting margins and plates. Overall a good copy. IV, 443, (1): ill"" V.2: 462, (I)-VI pp.‎

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‎The very first publication of Darwin's 'Variation under Domestication' in any language. The title-page states 1868 but they two volumes were in fact published, respectively in November 1867 and 1869.""In August, 1867, Darwin wrote to Lyell that he was visited by a young Russian ""who is translating my new book into Russian."". The book was the 'Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication', and the youngRussian was Vladimir Kovalevsky, who subsequently became a well-known evolutionary palaeontologist. At that time the 'Variation' was not yet published, and it seems most probably that the translation was made from a set of proofs given to Kovalevsky by Darwin. Thanks to Kovalevsky's rapid work, the first section of the Russian translation of the Variation was published several months prior to the publication of the English original."" (Glick, The Comparative Reception of Darwinism, p. 235)""The first Russian edition, which is dated 1868 on the volume title page, is of particular interest. It is the only work, in his lifetime, of which any part appeared in foreign translation before it appeared in English. Correspondence at Cambridge shows that the translator was sent copies of corrected proofs as they were ready. It was published in seven parts of which four, perhaps to the end of Chapter XV, appeared in 1867"" the next two appeared in 1868, and the last not until 1869, because he had been away in Russian Asia. The title is given in full, in English translation, under No. 925 and has been discussed above"" (Freeman).Vladimir Kovalevsky (1842-1883), the translator of this book, was a Russian biologist and the founder of evolutionary palaeontology. His own scientific works were printed between 1873 and 1877, and according to Henry Osborn (Osborn, H. The rise of Mammalia in North America // Proc. Amer. Assoc. Sci. 1894. vol. 42, pp. 189-227) they ''dare away'' all traditional and dry European paleontology. That was mainly because Kovalevsky was a devoted Darwinist and adapted Darwin's ideas to palaeontology. Luis Dollo, the Belgian palaeontologist, a contemporary of Kovalevsky's, described him thus: ''No palaeontologist embodies so perfectly our epoch, as the brilliant and miserable Vladimir Kovalevsky, friend and guest of the immortal Charles Darwin''. Indeed, Kovalevsky was a friend of Darwin's and they corresponded extensively. When visiting Darwin in 1877, the Russian botanist, Timiryazev, asked Darwin about his views on Russian science and Darwin surprised him with an answer that Vladimir Kovalevsky (little known at the time) was the bright hope of palaeontology.Kovalevsky was very eager to translate Darwin into Russian as soon as possible so he asked Darwin to send him the proofs of his book chapter by chapter as soon as Darwin finished them. Kovalevsky translated with great speed (the complete book contains 900 pages) and he began to print the chapters from July 1867 (the first English edition appeared on 30th January 1868). The chapters were printed one after another as the translation went on. It is unclear whether any part of it appeared before the English edition.Vladimir Kovalevsky translated another of Darwin's books, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals [O vyrazhenii emotsyi u cheloveka I zhyvotnikh] that appeared the same year as the English edition (1872).Kovalevsky committed suicide at the age of forty after the breakdown of his marriage to the celebrated mathematician, Sophia Kovalevskaya who became the first female professor of mathematics in the world.OCLC finds only three complete copies worldwide (Cornell, American Philosophical Society (US) and Thomas Fisher Library, (Canada)). Freeman 925 ‎

‎Notes on the Effects produced by the Ancient Glaciers of Caernarvonshire, and on the Boulders transported by Floating Ice.‎

‎London, University of London, 1842. 8vo. In contemporary half calf. In ""The London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science"", Vol. XXI. July - December, entire volume offered. Spine with wear and lacking bits of the leather especially affecting front hinge. Leather brittle. Front hindge loose. Exlibris pasted on to pasted down front end-paper. Internally nice and clean. [Darwin's paper:] Pp. 180-88. [Entire volume: viii, 568 pp.].‎

‎First appearance of Darwin’s paper on the effects produced by the glaciers of Caernarvonshire. In 1831 Charles Darwin came to Cwm Idwal and failed to perceive the evidence of glaciation there. In 1842, Darwin then went on to describe the glaciation of Cwm Idwal in some detail. He recorded both his first visit with the Cambridge geologist Adam Sedgwick and his second, more aware, visit in his autobiography: “Next morning we started for Llangollen, Conway, Bangor, and Capel Curig. This tour was of decided use in teaching me a little how to make out the geology of a country. Sedgwick often sent me on a line parallel to his, telling me to bring back specimens of the rocks and to mark the stratification on a map. On this tour I had a striking instance of how easy it is to overlook phenomena, however conspicuous, before they have been observed by any one. We spent many hours in Cwm Idwal, examining all the rocks with extreme care, as Sedgwick was anxious to find fossils in them" but neither of us saw a trace of the wonderful glacial phenomena all around us we did not notice the plainly scored rocks, the perched boulders, the lateral and terminal moraines. Yet these phenomena are so conspicuous that, as I declared in a paper published many years afterwards in the ‘Philosophical Magazine’ [Darwin, 1842], a house burnt down by fire did not tell its story more plainly than did this valley. If it had still been filled by a glacier, the phenomena would have been less distinct than they now are. (Darwin, 1887)” “By 1842, not only had Darwin travelled widely (Herbert, 1991) but Agassiz (1840) had published his theory of glaciation. Darwin was also then apprised of the arguments of the geologist William Buckland. Buckland was known for his penchant for eating every variety of animal, a trait which his son inherited (Burgess, 1967: Chapter 1 Chorley et al., 1964: 100–118 see also Lewry, 2008) but he also developed highly significant ideas on glaciation and the limitations of the diluvial theory (Chorley et al., 1964: 207–210). A key realization is that water-lain flood deposits are normally laid down in stratified layers, with the coarser material below the fine, while the glacial deposits are unstratified and mixed in size. Thus, in contrast to his earlier 1831 lack of glacial observation” (Trudgill, Do theories tell us what to see? The 19th-century observations of Darwin, Ramsay and Bonney on glacial features), Darwin wrote: “Guided and taught by the abstract of Dr. Buckland’s memoir ‘On Diluvio-Glacial Phænomena in Snowdonia and the adjacent parts of North Wales’ I visited several of the localities there noticed, and ... I have been enabled to make a few additional observations. Dr. Buckland has stated that a mile east of Lake Ogwyn there occurs a series of mounds, covered with hundreds of large blocks of stone, which approach nearer to the condition of an undisturbed moraine, than any other mounds of detritus noticed by him in North Wales. By ascending these mounds it is indeed easy to imagine that they formed the north-western lateral moraine of a Trudgill 559 Downloaded from ppg.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 16, 2016 glacier, descending in a north-east line from the Great Glyder mountain. But at the southern end of Lake Idwell the phænomena of moraines are presented, though on a much smaller scale, with perfect distinctness. (From the present paper, p. 180)” Darwin then gives a detailed description of the glacial features: “On entering the wild amphitheatre in which Lake Idwell lies, some small conical, irregular little mounds, which might easily escape attention, may be seen at the further end. The best preserved mounds lie on the west side of the great black perpendicular face of rock, forming the southern boundary of the lake. They have been intersected in many places by streams, and they are seen to consist of earth and detritus, with great blocks of rock on their summits. They at first appear quite irregularly grouped, but to a person ascending any one of those furthest from the precipice, they are at once seen to fall into three (with traces of a fourth) narrow straight linear ridges. The ridge nearest the precipice runs someway up the mountain, but the outer one is longer and more perfect, and forms a trough with the mountain-side, from 10 to 15 feet deep. On the eastern and opposite side of the head of the lake, corresponding but less developed mounds of detritus may be seen running a little way up the mountain. It is, I think, impossible for any one who has read the descriptions of the moraines bordering the existing glaciers in the Alps, to stand on these mounds and for an instant to doubt that they are ancient moraines nor is it possible to conceive any other cause which could have abruptly thrown up these long narrow steep mounds of unstratified detritus against the mountain-sides. (From the present paper, p. 180)”‎

‎Shu no Kigen: Seizon Kyoso Tekisha Seizon no Genri (i.e. English: ""Origin of Species""]. - [THE MOST INFLUENTIAL JAPANESE TRANSLATION OF 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES']‎

‎Tokyo, Tokyo Kaiseikan, Meiji 38 [1905]. 8vo. In the original full bloth cloth with gilt letteing (in both Japanese and Latin characters). Light occassional brownspotting, otherwise a fine copy. 4, 894, 28, 12 pp. + frontispiece and folded plate with genealogical tree.‎

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‎Rare second translation, and arguably the most important, of the Japanese translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"" (the first being from 1896 and only published once). This is the first translation to be made by a professional biologist. The previous translation (""Seibutsu Shigen"") was made by a law student which presumably was a contributing factor to the fact that the work primarily was embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. With the present translation Darwin's ideas and theories were finally properly introduced to the people they were intended for: biologist and zoologist. The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII).""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 719‎

‎Les plantes insectivores‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1877, in-8, XXIII-540 pp, 24 pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [Lenègre], 30 figures sur bois dans le texte. Première édition française traduite par Ed. Barbier, précédée d'une introduction biographique et augmentée de notes par Charles Martins. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. Légers frottements, coins usés, petits accrocs sur le plat inférieur, cote manuscrite en pied du dos. Rousseurs claires en début et en fin d'ouvrage. Bon exemplaire. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon XXIII-540 pp., 24 pp. de cat.‎

‎Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg (Danish) + Arternes Oprindelse gjennem naturligt Udvalg (Norwegian) + Om Arternas Uppkomst genom naturligt Urval (Swedish). - [INTRODUCTION OF THE ""ORIGIN"" IN SCANDINAVIA]‎

‎Kjøbenhavn [Copenhagen], 1872 - (Kristiania [Oslo], 1890) - Stockholm, 1871. A very nice and harmonious set, in four excellent half calf bindings.1) The Danish translation: 1 volume 8vo. A nice contemporary half calf with gilding to spine and gilt title-label. Only light wear. Internally some light brownspotting. (19), XIII, 605, (1) pp.2) The Norwegian translation: 2 volumes small 8vo. Bound in two excellent, uniform, recent red morocco bindings in pastiche-style, with gilt lines to spines. The work is printed in quite bad paper, which is always yellowed and quite brittle. Thus, the first title-page has two small restorations from verso, far from arrecting printing. The second title-page had an old owener's signature and a previous owner's stamp. 379, (5)"" 383 pp.3) The Swedish translation: 1 volume large 8vo. Bound uncut and with the extremely scarce original front wrapper in a lovely later brown half morrocco binding in contemporary style, with five raised bands and gilt author and year to spine. Front wrapper bound on a strip at inner hinge and with a missing outer coner (far from affecting printing). Old owner's name to front wrapper. An excellent copy. XI, (1), 420 pp.‎

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‎A magnificent collection of first editions of the first Danish, Norwegian and Swedish translations of Darwin's masterpiece ""The Origin of Species"", together constituting the introduction to ""The Darwinian Revolution in Scandinavia"".The first Scandinavian translation to appear was the Swedish, which is also the rarest of the three. Darwinism was strongly opposed in Sweden, where the primary reaction to the work came from religious institutions that were outraged and fiercely fought against spreading the ideas presented in ""origin"" in their country. The second Scandinavian translation to appear was the Danish, which was translated in 1872 by the then young botanist J. P. Jacobsen, who was soon to become one f Scandinavia's most celebrated and influential authors. He received world-wide fame as the author of ""Marie Grubbe"" and ""Niels Lyhne"", which founded literary naturalism in Europe. ""In the early 1870's, however, he was still dedicated to science. In 1873 he received the University of Copenhagen's Gold Medal for his work on desmids, single-celled green freshwater algae. The Descent of Man was also translated by Jacobsen and appeared in 1874-75.""Darwin's ideas found great resonance in scientific circles in Denmark, and his ideas were immediately recognized. ""In the early 1870s [With the Danish translation] the literary critic Georg Brandes started promoting Darwin's ideas as part of his liberal ideology and soon Darwinism became the mark of a new generation of intellectuals. Both the Steenstrup circle and the Brandes circle held Darwin in high esteem, but made completely different attributions to his theory. Consequently they both decided to raise money separately for the same Darwin. Darwin had borrowed the collection of barnacles from the Zoology Museum in Copenhagen with the help of Steenstrup. As a compliment Darwin sent him a signed copy of the Origin. Steenstrup acknowledged Darwin as an important fellow naturalist, but like many of his colleagues at the University of Copenhagen he never accepted evolutionary theory. The initial scientific reaction to Darwin's work on evolution by means of natural selection was respectful, but made few converts. memorial in 1882. Independently, Darwinism transformed as it became part of popular culture. "" (Kjærsgaard, Darwinism comes to Denmark).The Norwegian translation was the last of the three to appear, but it is quite scarce and very difficult to come by. It was published by businessman and publisher Johan Sørensen (1830-1918) as a part of 'Bibliothek for de tusen hjem' (Library for Every Home).""The first volume came out at the end of 1889, in five parts and a total of 379 pages. Each part cost 30 øre, making a total price of 1 kroner 50 øre. The following year, 1890, the second volume appeared and this consisted of four parts totaling 383 pages and cost 1 kroner 20 øre. The books were translated from the English sixth and final edition by the Master of the Arendal Public Secondary College, Ingebret Suleng (1852-1928)"" (Glick, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Europe).1. The Danish translation: Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg eller ved de heldigst stillede Formers Sejr i Kampen for Tilværelsen. Efter Originalens femte Udgave oversat af J.P. Jacobsen. Kjøbenhavn, Gyldendalske Boghandel (F. Hegel), 1872. 8vo. (10),XIII,605,(1) pp. - Freeman No 643 (Freeman with wrong collation, as he omits half-title and content-leaves).2. The Norwegian translation: Arternes Oprindelse gjennem naturligt Udvalg eller de bedst skikkede Formers bevarelse i Striden for Livet. Oversat efter Originalens VI. Udgave af Ingebret Suleng. (I-) II. (Kristiania), Bibliothek for de tusen hjem. Fagerstrand pr. Høvik, (1890). Small 8vo. (1-3)4-379,(4)"(1-3)4-383 pp. - Not in Freeman.3. The Swedish translation: Om Arternas Uppkomst genom naturligt Urval eller de bäst utrustade Rasernas Bestånd i Kampen för Tillvaron. Öfversättning från femte Originalupplagan af A.M. Selling. Stockholm, L.J. Hiertas Förlagsexpedition, 1871. (I-IV)V-XI,420 pp., 1 plate. - Freeman No 793 (Freeman having the wrong year of publication and not mentioning the plate).‎

‎De la variation des animaux et des plantes sous l'action de la domestication‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1868, in-8, 2 vol, XVI-444-[1] pp, 17 pp. de cat. éd. ; [4]-532-[1] pp, [6] pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [Lenègre], Première édition française, parue la même année que l'édition originale anglaise. Traduction de Jean-Jacques Moulinié (1830-1872) et préface de Carl Vogt. Figures sur bois dans le texte. Darwin applique ici ses théories évolutionnistes aux plantes et animaux domestiques : origines et variations des plantes et animaux domestiques, action de l'hérédité, avantages du croisement, lois de la variation, pangenèse, etc. C'est le plus long ouvrage de synthèse jusqu'alors publié par le naturaliste; Darwin y développe des deux premiers chapitres de l'Origine des espèces et y rapporte un très grand nombre d'observations personnelles. Il utilise par ailleurs sa propre expérience d'éleveur de pigeons, auxquels il consacre tout un chapitre. Accrocs sur les coupes, légers frottements sur les charnières. Rares rousseurs claires. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon 2 vol., XVI-444-[1] pp., 17‎

‎La descendance de l'homme et la sélection sexuelle‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1873-1874, in-8, 2 vol, [4]-XV-466 pp, [2] pp. d'extrait de cat. éd.; [4]-III-507 pp, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [Lenègre], Figures sur bois dans le texte. Deuxième édition, traduite par Jean-Jacques Moulinié, revue sur la dernière édition anglaise par Barbier et préfacée par Carl Vogt. Le 24 Octobre 1859, Darwin fait paraitre The Origin of Species, où il expose sa théorie sur l'évolution des organismes par la sélection naturelle agissant en milieu animal et végétal. Treize ans plus tard, il publie The Descent of Man, où il prouve que l'homme est le descendant modifié d'espèces préexistantes, puis développe la théorie de la sélection sexuelle, facteur également d'évolution des espèces et de différenciation des races humaines. Cet ouvrage, désormais connu en France sous le titre de La Filiation de l'homme, rattache enfin la généalogie de l'homme à celle de l'animal et étend le transformisme à l'espèce humaine; Darwin y démontre la filiation à partir de singes de l'Ancien Monde. Afin d'établir sa théorie, il compare l'évolution du développement des embryons humains à ceux des animaux inférieurs. "Nos préjugés naturels, cette arrogance qui a conduit nos ancêtre à déclarer qu'ils descendaient de demi-dieux, nous empêchent seuls d'accepter cette conclusion" (T. I, p. 33). L'ouvrage a donné lieu à d'innombrables caricatures jouant sur la ressemblance entre le singe et l'homme. C'est aussi ici que le naturaliste défend le processus de civilisation humaine, qui protège et assure la survie des faibles, à l'inverse de la sélection naturelle qui les élimine. Cachet ex-libris "P. Longbois" sur les pages de titre. Rousseurs claires. Bon exemplaire. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon 2 vol., [4]-XV-466 pp., [2]‎

‎Az Ember Származàsa és az Ivari Kiválás [i.e. Hungarian: ""The Descent of Man.""]. [Translated by:] Török Aurei és Entz Géza. 2 vols. - [FIRST HUNGARIAN TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S ""THE DESCENT OF MAN""]‎

‎Budapest, Kiadja A. K. M., 1884. 8vo. In the publisher's original two embossed full red cloth bindings with gilt lettering to spine. Small vague stamp to both half-titles. Hindges loose on volume i. A fine fine and clean copy. LXXI, (1), 542 pp."" VII, 5, 436 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Hungarian translation of Darwin's The Descent of Man. ""Compared with the original and with a biography by Margó Tivador"" (Freeman). The Hungarian public was introduced to Darwinism early on when Ferenc Jánosi reviewed The Origin of Species in the Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review) a half year after it first appeared in English. Darwin's principal works were first published in Hungarian translation by the Royal Hungarian Natural Science Society (Királyi Magyar Természettudományi Társulat). The Origin of Species, translated by László Dapsy, was published in 1873"" The present work in 1884 and a few years later, in 1897, the latter work was translated anew and published by László Seress. ""It is characteristic of the enlightened spirit of the country in this period that Darwin received academic recognition earlier in Hungary than in England. Although Cambridge did not honor Darwin until 1879, he was elected an honorary member of The Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1872, the same year on this occasion the renowned Hungarian zoologist Tivadar Margó visited him at Down.Historical circumstances played a major role in this quick appearance of Darwinism and its popularity in Hungary. The failure of the 1848-49 revolution and war of independence seemingly put an end to progressive political discourse, signaling an ideological crisis among the intelligentsia. In this context, the natural sciences with their 'eternal truths' promised a way out, inasmuch as science's promised objectivity might well serve as a politically neutral expression of progressive values"" (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).""Darwin wrote, in the preface to the second edition, of 'the fiery ordeal through which this book has passed'. He had avoided the logical outcome of the general theory of evolution, bringing man into the scheme, for twelve years, and in fact it had, by that time, been so much accepted that the clamour of the opposition was not strident. He had also been preceded in 1863 by Huxley's Man's place in nature. The book, in its first edition, contains two parts, the descent of man itself, and selection in relation to sex. The word 'evolution' occurs, for the first time in any of Darwin's works, on page 2 of the first volume of the first edition, that is to say before its appearance in the sixth edition of The origin of species in the following year."" (Freeman).Freeman no. 1084.‎

‎L'expression des émotions chez l'homme et les animaux‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald et Cie, libraire-éditeur, 1877 [1885], in-8, [4]-VI-[2]-404-[1] pp, 7 pl, 20 pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [A. Lenègre], Remise en vente de la seconde édition française. Le catalogue Reinwald relié in fine présente le fonds de l'éditeur pour décembre 1885. La traduction est due à Samuel Pozzi et René Benoit. Il a paru à l'origine en anglais en 1872. Intéressante rencontre de deux enfants du XIXe siècle : l'anthropologie et la physiologie. Ce texte, qui forme le pendant de la Descendance de l'homme, est une réponse à l'ouvrage créationniste de Charles Bell (Anatomy and Philosophy of Expressions, 1806), qui déclarait que les muscles faciaux ont été créés à des fins expressives. À l'inverse, Darwin distingue les règles qui les structurent ? association des habitudes utiles, principe de l'antithèse et action directe du système nerveux ? et il déroule une série d'arguments nouveaux en faveur de l'évolution. Il parvient à la conclusion que l'expression des émotions n'est pas innée : elle s'apprend. Il pose, par ailleurs, les fondations de la psychologie animale. L'ouvrage est orné de sept planches de photographies reproduites par héliotypie, dont les fameuses expériences de Duchenne de Boulogne sur le "mécanisme de la physionomie humaine ou analyse électrophysiologique de l'expression des passions", et d'une vingtaine de figures sur bois dans le texte, montrant les expressions prises par le visage humain et les animaux. Légers frottements. Petite réparation à l'adhésif sur une garde. Rares rousseurs. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon [4]-VI-[2]-404-[1] pp., 7‎

‎Des effets de la fécondation croisée et de la fécondation directe dans le règne végétal‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald, 1877, in-8, XV-[2]-496 pp, 20 pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [Lenegre], Première édition française, traduite par Edouard Heckel. Cet ouvrage est le complément de la fécondation des orchidées. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. Bon exemplaire. Légers frottements, quelques rousseurs claires. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon XV-[2]-496 pp., 20 pp. de‎

‎L'Expression des émotions chez l'homme et les animaux‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald et cie, 1877, in-8, [4]-VI-[2]-404-[1] pp, 7 pl, 20 pp. de cat. éd, Percaline verte de l'éditeur [A. Lenègre], Seconde édition française, revue et corrigée, de la traduction de cet ouvrage, paru en anglais en 1872. La traduction est due à Samuel Pozzi et René Benoit. Intéressante rencontre de deux enfants du XIXe siècle : l'anthropologie et la physiologie. Ce texte, qui forme le pendant de la Descendance de l'homme, est une réponse à l'ouvrage créationniste de Charles Bell (Anatomy and Philosophy of Expressions, 1806), qui déclarait que les muscles faciaux ont été créés à des fins expressives. À l'inverse, Darwin distingue les règles qui les structurent ? association des habitudes utiles, principe de l'antithèse et action directe du système nerveux ? et il déroule une série d'arguments nouveaux en faveur de l'évolution. Il parvient à la conclusion que l'expression des émotions n'est pas innée : elle s'apprend. Il pose, par ailleurs, les fondations de la psychologie animale. L'ouvrage est orné de sept planches de photographies reproduites par héliotypie, dont les fameuses expériences de Duchenne de Boulogne sur le "mécanisme de la physionomie humaine ou analyse électrophysiologique de l'expression des passions", et d'une vingtaine de figures sur bois dans le texte, montrant les expressions prises par le visage humain et les animaux. Exemplaire non coupé. Rousseurs claires. Légers frottements, petit accroc sur le plat inférieur. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon [4]-VI-[2]-404-[1] pp., 7‎

‎Des différentes formes de fleurs dans les plantes de la même espèce‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald et cie, 1878, in-8, XXXVI-361-[2] pp, 20 pp. de catalogue Reinwald, Percaline verte de l'éditeur, Figures sur bois dans le texte. Première édition française, traduite et annotée par Edouard Heckel, précédée d'une préface analytique par le professeur Coutance. Charles Darwin, qui faisait l'analogie entre les règnes végétal et animal, a consacré aux plantes plusieurs grandes monographies. L'observation du végétal lui a permis de déduire des phénomènes de changement et donc de développer la théorie transformiste. Exemplaire non coupé. Quelques rousseurs. Tache sur la plat inférieur, petits frottements. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon XXXVI-361-[2] pp., 20 pp. de‎

‎O Proischozhdenii Vodov... [Russian: On the Origin of Species]. Perevel c anglijskago [translated from English by] S.A. Rachinsky. - [""THE MOST IMPORTANT BIOLOGICAL BOOK EVER WRITTEN"" (FREEMAN)]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, 1864. 8vo. Bound in a beautiful half calf recent pastiche-binding with marbled papers over boards and elegant gilding to spine. End-papers renewed. Stamp to half-title, title-page and first leaf of text. First leaves evenly browned and dampstain to outer margin affecting last 50 ff. A few occassional brownspots throughout. XIV, 399, (1) pp. + 1 plate with genealogical tree (between pp. 92/93).‎

‎First edition of the first Russian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", a main reason for the widespread effect of Darwinism in Russia, where the theory met less resistance in the 1860'ies than it did in Western Europe. In Russia, Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.""In 1864, S.A. Rachinsky, professor of plant physiology at St. Petersburg University, produced the first Russian translation of the ""Origin"". Although not a masterpiece of translation art, the book sold out so quickly that in 1865 it went through a second printing. By this time Darwin's ideas were discussed not only by scientists but also by such popular writers as Dmitri Pisarev and M. A. Antinovich."" (Glick, p. 232). Rachinsky began translating the ""Origin"" in 1862 and wrote an important article on the theories presented in it, while working on the translation. This article and the translation of the ""Origin"" into Russian were responsible for the great success and rapid, widespread knowledge of Darwinian theory of evolution in Russia. ""Darwin was concerned that the ""Origin of Species"" reach naturalists across the world, but translations of that complicated work raised problems for Darwin. If he found it difficult to make the reader ""understand what is meant"" in England and America, at least in those two countries he and the reader were discussing the ""Origin of Species"" in the same language. Foreign language editions raised not only the thorny question of translating Darwinian terms, but also the problem of translators, who often thought it proper to annotate their editions to explain the ""significance"" of Darwinism. The first Russian translation of the ""Origin of Species"" (1864) appeared, however, without any comment whatever by the translator, Sergei A. Rachinsky, professor of botany at the University of Moscow. Rachinsky had begun the translation in 1862 and published an article on Darwinism while continuing work on the translation in 1863."" (Rogers, p. 485). In the year of publication of the translation, 1864, Pisarev wrote a long article in ""The Russian Word"", which purports to be a review of this translation" the critic complains about the absence of notes and commentaries by the translator. Pisarev furthermore points to several errors in the translation and to numerous infelicities of expression. Acknowledging the importance of the work, however, and of the spreading of Darwinism in Russia, he goes on in his own essay to provide a much more popular account of Darwin's theory and to impress upon his readers its revolutionary significance.Nikolai Strakhov also reviewed the translation immediately upon publication, acknowledging the effect it would have. Strakhov, however, recognized potential dangers inherent in the theory and expressed them in his review of Rachinsky's translation. He praised the work for its thoroughness and rejoiced in the evidence that man constituted the highest stage of organic development" but then he went on to argue that by moving into questions of philosophy and theology, the Darwinists were exceeding the limits of scientific evidence. Like Pisarev, Tolstoy enthusiastically embraced Darwinism. ""The first mention of Darwin in Tolstoy's literary ""Nachlass"" is found in one of the drafts to ""War and Peace"". There Darwin is listed, apparently quite favorably, among leading thinkers ""working toward new truth"" [...] Thus by the late 1860's the name of Darwin as a leading scientist was already familiar to Tolstoy and duly respected."" (McLean, p. 160). A fact which is often overlooked is that Tolstoy actually knew Rachinsky quite well. Interestingly, it was in a letter to Rachinsky, in reply to a question about the structure of ""Anna Karenina"", that Tolstoy made the famous statement (that all Tolstoy scholars and lovers know by heart): ""I am proud of the architecture - the arches are joined in such a way that you cannot discover where the keystone is"". Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.Freeman 748. See: James Allen Rogers: The Reception of Darwin's Origin of Species by Russian Scientists. In: Isis, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 484-503.Thomas F. Glick: The Comparative Reception of Darwinism. 1974.Hugh McLean: In Quest of Tolstoy. 2008.‎

‎Proiskhozhdenie chelovieska i polovoi podbor [i.e. English ""Descent of Man""]. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S 'DESCENT OF MAN' INTO ANY LANGUAGE]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, Izdanie redaktsii zhurnala ""Znanie, 1871. 8vo. In contemporary black half calf with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Corners of binding with repairs and a three cm long tear to lower front hindge. Light miscolouring throughout, especially to first 10 leaves. (2), VII, (6), 439 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Russian translation of Darwin's 'Descent of Man' published only four month after the original English. The Russian publisher was eager to have a translation published, hence this early abridged edition - two other Russian translations followed later the same year - The present translation being the very first into any language. ""The Descent of Man showed that the process of organic evolution, propelled by the struggle for existence and natural selection, applied to man no less than to the rest of the animal kingdom. It gave explicit recognition to the idea of the anthropoid origin of man. This claim surprised no one, for it was clearly hinted at in the great work of 1859 and was elaborated in Thomas Huxley's Man's Place in Nature and Vogt's Lectures on Man. Nor was it much of a surprise when three Russian translations of The Descent appeared within one year after the publication of the English original. Two general ideas represented the essence of The Descent: natural selection is not only behind the physical survival of man but also behind the evolution of cultural values"" and the differences between animal and human behavior are differences of degree rather than of kind."" (Darwin in Russian Thought) ""The Expression helped lay the foundations for a scientific study of the psychological aspect of the evolution of species. The book appeared in a Russian translation only a few months after the publication of the English original. The paleontologist Vladimir Kovalevskii was the translator, and the embryologist Aleksandr Kovalevskii was in charge of editorial tasks. In 1874 Vladimir wrote to Darwin that nearly two thousand copies of the Russian translation were sold."" "" The Expression deals much more extensively with selected aspects of human and animal behavior than with general problems of evolutionary biology. The Russian reviewers were generally impressed with Darwin's descriptions and categorizations of animal behavior. The Journal of the Ministry of Public Education was unusually profuse in praising the book's content and writing style. The reviewer commended Darwin's impartiality and avoidance of ""materialistic trappings."" Even the adherents of spiritualism could read the book, he wrote, without the least discomfort. The reviewer thought that psychologists would benefit from the information the book presented on the ""physiological"" basis of behavior. Indeed, he recommended the book to all readers interested in the scientific foundations of human behavior. The liberal journal Knowledgewas equally laudatory. It noted that the book was eminently successful on two counts: it offered a ""rational explanation"" of many expressions of human emotions, and it integrated the study of animal and human behavior into the universal process of organic evolution. In fact, no educated person could afford to ignore it.N. P. Vagner, professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at St. Petersburg University, called The Expression a book with ""great strengths and minor flaws."" The volume reminded him of Darwin's previous works, which marked ""turning points in the history of science."" The strength of the book lay much more in its suggestion of new topics for comparative-psychological research than in a presentation of a theoretically and logically integrated system of scientific thought. Insufficient exploration of the physiological underpinnings of mental activities represented the book's major shortcoming"" (Darwin in Russian Thought) In Russia Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin of Species"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.'Descent of Man' was transted into Danish, Dutch, French, German, Italian, Polish, Russian and Swedish in Darwin's lifetime. Freeman 1107.‎

‎O Proischozhdenii Vodov... [Russian: On the Origin of Species]. Perevel c anglijskago [translated from English by] S.A. Rachinsky. - [""THE MOST IMPORTANT BIOLOGICAL BOOK EVER WRITTEN"" (FREEMAN)]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, 1864. 8vo. Bound in a beautiful recent pastiche-binding of brown half calf with marbled papers over boards and elegant gilding to spine. End-papers renewed. A few dampstains and a bit of brownspotting throughout. A nice copy. XIV, 399, (1) pp. + 1 plate.‎

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‎First edition of the first Russian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", a main reason for the widespread effect of Darwinism in Russia, where the theory met less resistance in the 1860'ies than it did in Western Europe. In Russia, Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.""In 1864, S.A. Rachinsky, professor of plant physiology at St. Petersburg University, produced the first Russian translation of the ""Origin"". Although not a masterpiece of translation art, the book sold out so quickly that in 1865 it went through a second printing. By this time Darwin's ideas were discussed not only by scientists but also by such popular writers as Dmitri Pisarev and M. A. Antinovich."" (Glick, p. 232). Rachinsky began translating the ""Origin"" in 1862 and wrote an important article on the theories presented in it, while working on the translation. This article and the translation of the ""Origin"" into Russian were responsible for the great success and rapid, widespread knowledge of Darwinian theory of evolution in Russia. ""Darwin was concerned that the ""Origin of Species"" reach naturalists across the world, but translations of that complicated work raised problems for Darwin. If he found it difficult to make the reader ""understand what is meant"" in England and America, at least in those two countries he and the reader were discussing the ""Origin of Species"" in the same language. Foreign language editions raised not only the thorny question of translating Darwinian terms, but also the problem of translators, who often thought it proper to annotate their editions to explain the ""significance"" of Darwinism. The first Russian translation of the ""Origin of Species"" (1864) appeared, however, without any comment whatever by the translator, Sergei A. Rachinsky, professor of botany at the University of Moscow. Rachinsky had begun the translation in 1862 and published an article on Darwinism while continuing work on the translation in 1863."" (Rogers, p. 485). In the year of publication of the translation, 1864, Pisarev wrote a long article in ""The Russian Word"", which purports to be a review of this translation" the critic complains about the absence of notes and commentaries by the translator. Pisarev furthermore points to several errors in the translation and to numerous infelicities of expression. Acknowledging the importance of the work, however, and of the spreading of Darwinism in Russia, he goes on in his own essay to provide a much more popular account of Darwin's theory and to impress upon his readers its revolutionary significance.Nikolai Strakhov also reviewed the translation immediately upon publication, acknowledging the effect it would have. Strakhov, however, recognized potential dangers inherent in the theory and expressed them in his review of Rachinsky's translation. He praised the work for its thoroughness and rejoiced in the evidence that man constituted the highest stage of organic development" but then he went on to argue that by moving into questions of philosophy and theology, the Darwinists were exceeding the limits of scientific evidence. Like Pisarev, Tolstoy enthusiastically embraced Darwinism. ""The first mention of Darwin in Tolstoy's literary ""Nachlass"" is found in one of the drafts to ""War and Peace"". There Darwin is listed, apparently quite favorably, among leading thinkers ""working toward new truth"" [...] Thus by the late 1860's the name of Darwin as a leading scientist was already familiar to Tolstoy and duly respected."" (McLean, p. 160). A fact which is often overlooked is that Tolstoy actually knew Rachinsky quite well. Interestingly, it was in a letter to Rachinsky, in reply to a question about the structure of ""Anna Karenina"", that Tolstoy made the famous statement (that all Tolstoy scholars and lovers know by heart): ""I am proud of the architecture - the arches are joined in such a way that you cannot discover where the keystone is"". Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.Freeman: 748. See: James Allen Rogers: The Reception of Darwin's Origin of Species by Russian Scientists. In: Isis, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 484-503.Thomas F. Glick: The Comparative Reception of Darwinism. 1974.Hugh McLean: In Quest of Tolstoy. 2008.‎