416 books for « darwin c r darw... »Edit

‎Habits of ants (+) On the males and complemental males of certain cirripedes, and on rudimentary structures [C. R. Darwin] (+) Variations of organs [G. H. Darwin].‎

‎(London and New York, Macmillan and Co., 1873). Royal8vo. In contemporary cloth. In ""Nature. A Weekly Illustrated Journal of Science"", Vol. 8, July 1873 - October 1873. Extremities with wear and end papers brownspottet. Internally fine and clean. C. R. Darwin's papers: P. 244" Pp. 431-432. G. H. Darwin's paper: p. 505 . [Entire volume: Pp. 237-562].‎

‎First appearance of these three papes, two by Charles Darwin and one by his son. Freeman 1761, 1762 & 1763‎

‎Podróz Naturalisty. [i.e. ""Journal of Researches""]. - [FIRST POLISH TRANSLATION OF DARWIN’S JOURNAL OF RESEARCHES]‎

‎Warszawa, 1887. 4to. In contemporary half calf with gilt lettering to spine and four raised bands. Spine with wear and top right corner (3 x 5 cm) of title-page lacking, not affecting text. Internally fine and clean. (4), II, 412, XVIII pp.‎

‎Extremely rare first Polish translation of Darwin’s Journal of Researches: ""His first published book is undoubtedly the most often read and stands second only to ‘On the origin of Species’ as the most often printed. It is an important travel book in its own right and its relation to the background of his evolutionary ideas has often been stressed.""(Freeman p. 31).Freeman 223‎

‎Charles Darwin's Beagle Diary.‎

‎1988 xxix, 464 p., num. figs & pls, hardbound (dust jacket). Good dust jacket but has the spine portion discoloured.‎

‎Le bidule Gallimard Série Noire n921‎

‎Editions Gallimard 1965 1965. Darwin Teilhet: Le Bidule/ Gallimard Série Noire N°921 1965‎

‎Bon état‎

‎Jinsoron (i.e. Japanese ""On the Ancestor(s) of Man"", Translated by Kozu Senzaburo, original title: ""Descent of Man""). 3 vols. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN INTO JAPANESE]‎

‎Tokyo, Ichibe Yamanaka., Meiji 14. (1881). 8vo. 3 volumes, all in the contemporary (original?) yellow wrappers (Traditional Fukuro Toji binding/wrappers). Extremities with wear and with light soiling, promarily affecting vol. 1. Title in brush and ink to text-block foot. A few ex-ownership stamps. Folding plate with repair. A fine set. 46 ff" 70 ff. + 9 plates of which 1 is folded" 72 ff. ""Vol. I contains prefaces to 1st and 2d editions of Descent of man Nos 936 & 944"" vol. II contains chapter 1 and vol. III chapter 2. All published, intended to form 9 vols containing chapters 1-7 and 21."" (Darwin-Online).‎

‎The exceedingly rare first translation of Darwin's Descent of Man and the first (partial) translation of Origin of Species, constituting the very first translation of any of Darwin's work into Japanese and, arguably, being the most influential - albeit in a different way than could be expected - of all Darwin-translations. ""The first translation of a book by Darwin was published in 1881: a translation of The Descent of Man, titled as Jinsoron (On the Ancestor(s) of Man"" Darwin 1881). The translator was a scholar of education, Kozu Senzaburo (...). In spite of its title, the book was actually a hybrid, which included a mixture of chapters of the Descent (namely, chapters 1-7 and 21) together with other texts: the Historical Sketch that Darwin appended to the third edition of the Origin (1861), and some sections taken from Thomas Huxley's Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature (Kaneko 2000). So this book can also be described as the first publication including a partial translation of a text from the Origin"" (Taizo, Translating ""natural selection"" in Japanese: from ""shizen tota"" to ""shizen sentaku"", and back?)Darwin's theories had a profound influence on Japan and Japanese culture but in a slightly different way than in the West: Darwinism was marked as social and political principles primarily embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. ""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII)Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 1099c‎

‎Priruchennyie zhivotnyie i vozdelannyie rasteniya [i.e. Russian ""The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication"". Translated from English with the consent and assistance of the author by V. Kovalevsky. Edited by I. M. Sechenov, botanical sect... - [THE VERY FIRST PUBLICATION OF DARWIN'S 'VARIATION UNDER DOMESTICATION' IN ANY LANGUAGE. ]‎

‎St. Petersburg, 1868 [but in fact 1867-1869]. 8vo. In contemporary half calf with renewed spine. Inner hindges with repairs and boards with soiling and a few marks and holes to volume 1. Light foxing throughout, primarily affecting margins and plates. Overall a good copy. IV, 443, (1): ill"" V.2: 462, (I)-VI pp.‎

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‎The very first publication of Darwin's 'Variation under Domestication' in any language. The title-page states 1868 but they two volumes were in fact published, respectively in November 1867 and 1869.""In August, 1867, Darwin wrote to Lyell that he was visited by a young Russian ""who is translating my new book into Russian."". The book was the 'Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication', and the youngRussian was Vladimir Kovalevsky, who subsequently became a well-known evolutionary palaeontologist. At that time the 'Variation' was not yet published, and it seems most probably that the translation was made from a set of proofs given to Kovalevsky by Darwin. Thanks to Kovalevsky's rapid work, the first section of the Russian translation of the Variation was published several months prior to the publication of the English original."" (Glick, The Comparative Reception of Darwinism, p. 235)""The first Russian edition, which is dated 1868 on the volume title page, is of particular interest. It is the only work, in his lifetime, of which any part appeared in foreign translation before it appeared in English. Correspondence at Cambridge shows that the translator was sent copies of corrected proofs as they were ready. It was published in seven parts of which four, perhaps to the end of Chapter XV, appeared in 1867"" the next two appeared in 1868, and the last not until 1869, because he had been away in Russian Asia. The title is given in full, in English translation, under No. 925 and has been discussed above"" (Freeman).Vladimir Kovalevsky (1842-1883), the translator of this book, was a Russian biologist and the founder of evolutionary palaeontology. His own scientific works were printed between 1873 and 1877, and according to Henry Osborn (Osborn, H. The rise of Mammalia in North America // Proc. Amer. Assoc. Sci. 1894. vol. 42, pp. 189-227) they ''dare away'' all traditional and dry European paleontology. That was mainly because Kovalevsky was a devoted Darwinist and adapted Darwin's ideas to palaeontology. Luis Dollo, the Belgian palaeontologist, a contemporary of Kovalevsky's, described him thus: ''No palaeontologist embodies so perfectly our epoch, as the brilliant and miserable Vladimir Kovalevsky, friend and guest of the immortal Charles Darwin''. Indeed, Kovalevsky was a friend of Darwin's and they corresponded extensively. When visiting Darwin in 1877, the Russian botanist, Timiryazev, asked Darwin about his views on Russian science and Darwin surprised him with an answer that Vladimir Kovalevsky (little known at the time) was the bright hope of palaeontology.Kovalevsky was very eager to translate Darwin into Russian as soon as possible so he asked Darwin to send him the proofs of his book chapter by chapter as soon as Darwin finished them. Kovalevsky translated with great speed (the complete book contains 900 pages) and he began to print the chapters from July 1867 (the first English edition appeared on 30th January 1868). The chapters were printed one after another as the translation went on. It is unclear whether any part of it appeared before the English edition.Vladimir Kovalevsky translated another of Darwin's books, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals [O vyrazhenii emotsyi u cheloveka I zhyvotnikh] that appeared the same year as the English edition (1872).Kovalevsky committed suicide at the age of forty after the breakdown of his marriage to the celebrated mathematician, Sophia Kovalevskaya who became the first female professor of mathematics in the world.OCLC finds only three complete copies worldwide (Cornell, American Philosophical Society (US) and Thomas Fisher Library, (Canada)). Freeman 925 ‎

‎A fajok eredete a természeti kiválás útján vagyis az elonyös válfajok fenmaradása a létérti küzdelemben. [Hungarian - i.e. On the Origin of Species... Translated by Dapsy László and revised by Margó Tivadar]. 2 vols. - [THE FIRST HUNGARIAN ""ORIGIN OF SPECIES""]‎

‎Budapest, Kiadja a Természettudományi Társulat [Academy of Sciences], 1873 & 1874. 8vo. In two contemporary embossed full cloth bindings with gilt letter- and numbering to spine. Bindings with light wear, primarily affecting hindges. Previous owner's stamp to half title and title page in both volumes. Light occassional brownspotting, primarily affecting first and last leaves. An overall nice copy. XVI, (2), 303, (1)"" VII, (1), 361, (1) pp. + 1 leaf of Advertisement + 2 plates (A frontiespiece of Darwin and one listing the evolution of the different generations).‎

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‎The exceedingly rare first Hungarian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"". Together with the Serbian and the Spanish, the first Hungarian translation of the ""Origin"" is arguably the scarcest of all the translations of the work and very few copies of it are known. The Hungarian public was introduced to Darwinism early on when Ferenc Jánosi reviewed The Origin of Species in the Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review) half a year after it first appeared in English. Darwin's principal works were first published in Hungarian translation by the Royal Hungarian Natural Science Society (Királyi Magyar Természettudományi Társulat). Translator Dapsy László had been actively working to make Darwin and his idea known in Hungary. Through his articles, he consistently presented Darwinism as a possible model for the type of progressive society that Hungary should attempt to achieve, thus being one of the very earliest to apply Darwin's theories to human society and politics in general. ""Dapsy's translation, inspired by liberal ideals of progress, increasingly became part of the conservative discourse of Hungarian politics, reinterpreted and appropriated according to the nationalist agendas merging in Hungarian Society"". (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).Prior to his translation in 1872, Dapsy wrote Darwin: ""I am sorry to say that as yet, here such tendencies are received with a good deal of aversion, but I believe that by-and-by they will accept it, and it would be a great advancement for our political life too"". (Dapsy to Darwin, 12 June 1872). Darwin's response is not known. ""It is characteristic of the enlightened spirit of the country in this period that Darwin received academic recognition earlier in Hungary than in England. Although Cambridge did not honor Darwin until 1879, he was elected an honorary member of The Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1872, the same year on this occasion the renowned Hungarian zoologist Tivadar Margó visited him at Down.Historical circumstances played a major role in this quick appearance of Darwinism and its popularity in Hungary. The failure of the 1848-49 revolution and war of independence seemingly put an end to progressive political discourse, signaling an ideological crisis among the intelligentsia. In this context, the natural sciences with their 'eternal truths' promised a way out, inasmuch as science's promised objectivity might well serve as a politically neutral expression of progressive values"" (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).The present book was one of four scientific works published between 1872 and 1874 by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the others being Bernhard von Cotta's Geologie der Gegenwart (1865), Huxley's Lectures on the Elements of Comparative Anatomy (1864), and Tyndall's Heat Considered as a Mode of Motion (1863). An advertisement for these books occurs on the final leaf of vol. II.During Darwin's lifetime, 'Origin' was published in eleven different languages, some of them in more than one edition: The first foreign translation was the German (1860), followed by a Dutch (1860), French (1862), French (1862), Italian (1864), Russian (1864), Swedish (1869), Danish (1872), Hungarian (1873), Spanish (1877) and Serbian (1878), the last three by far being the rarest. OCLC locates only three complete copies: Paris Mazarin Library, University Library of Szeged and The Huntington Library, CA. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin only hold volume 1. Freeman 703.‎

‎Zoonomie, ou Lois de la vie organique, par Erasme Darwin, Docteur en Médecine, Membre de la Société royale de Londres, Auteur du Jardin botanique, etc. Traduit de l'anglais sur la troisième Édition, et augmenté d'Observations et de Notes, par Joseph-François Kluyskens, Professeur de Chirurgie à l'École élémentaire de Médecine, et Chirurgien en chef des Hôpitaux civils de Gand, Membre correspondant de la Société de l'École de Médecine de Paris, et de plusieurs Sociétés savantes.‎

‎A Gand, chez P. F. de Goesin-Verhaeghe; rue Haute-porte, n°229, 1810-1811. 1810 4 vol. in-8° (212 x 138 mm.) de: I. [3] ff. (faux-titre, titre, épigraphe); 20 pp. (préface du traducteur); [1] f. (titre de la première partie); 23 pp. (reprise de la pagination à 19, préface de l'auteur); [1] p. (table); 614 pp.; [1] p. (errata); 3 planches aquarellées ; II. [2] ff. (titre, table); 659 pp.; [2] pp. (errata, avis au relieur); 4 planches (3 aquarellées, 1 gravée); III. XIV pp. (titre, titre de la deuxième partie, préface de l'auteur); 586 pp.; 3 planches gravées; IV. [1] f. (titre); 570 pp. (dont table); 1 planche dépliante gravée. Un total de 11 planches (dont 1 dépliante et 6 à l'aquarelle). (Corps douvrage très frais). Demi-basane d'époque, plats recouverts de papier marbré, dos lisses ornés, titre et tomaison de maroquin noir, tranches jaspées. (Quelques petites rousseurs).‎

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‎Première édition en français, traduite de l'anglais par Joseph-François Kluyskens et due à Erasmus Darwin (E.O. : 1795 et 1799). Le présent ouvrage est considéré comme son uvre principale pour ce qui touche aux sciences naturelles et à la médecine. Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802) est un poète, médecin, botaniste et inventeur britannique. 70 ans avant les travaux de son célèbre petit-fils et face au créationnisme alors dominant, il amorce de façon significative les réflexions sur l'origine de la vie et son évolution. Médecin, il exerce son art avec un grand succès à Lichfield. On a de lui un poème célèbre, le Jardin botanique (1781), divisé en deux parties, intitulées : l'Économie de la végétation et les Amours des plantes, et un ouvrage fort original, la Zoonomie ou Lois de la vie organique (1794) : il y classe les maladies de l'homme d'après une méthode analogue à celle adoptée par Carl von Linné (1707-1778, naturaliste suédois) pour les plantes, et les explique toutes par l'excitabilité, comme Thomas Brown (1785-1862, naturaliste et un malacologiste britannique). Dans cet ouvrage, de même que dans le poème posthume The Temple of Nature, il expose des idées évolutionnistes. Sa curiosité le conduit à s'interroger sur les raisons de la présence de coquillages fossilisés présents au fond des mines ainsi que sur le développement des bactéries qu'il observe au microscope. Il mène également des recherches sur les nuages. Dans ses travaux et sa réflexion, il en vient à remettre en cause la doctrine alors dominante du créationnisme. Il fait jouer un rôle à la sélection sexuelle dans l'évolution des espèces, idée que son petit-fils soutiendra lui aussi et qui intitulera Zoonomia le premier manuscrit de l'Origine des espèces. Également inventeur dans divers domaines, Erasmus Darwin laisse cependant d'autres s'attribuer certaines de ses inventions, craignant pour sa réputation en tant que médecin. On lui attribue ainsi :le moulin à vent horizontal de Josiah Wedgwood (grand-père d'Emma Wedgwood, épouse de Charles Darwin) ; un type de chariot qui ne se renverse pas (1766) ; une machine parlante (1771) ; l'ascenseur à caisson du canal à charbon du Somersetshire ; un dispositif géométrique de liaison dans la direction d'un véhicule (1758), préfigurant la géométrie directionnelle d'Ackermann ; un puits artésien ainsi que divers appareils de météorologie. Le traducteur, Joseph-François Kluyskens, décrit cette oeuvre de Darwin comme telle: Faire connaître les lois qui gouvernent tous les corps organisés ; réduire toutes ces lois qui ont rapport à la vie organique en classes, ordres, genres et espèces, et les faire servir enfin à l'explication des causes des maladies ; tel fut le but que se proposa le Docteur Darwin lorsqu'il composa la Zoonomie, ouvrage sublime qui lui a coûté plus de vingt années de travail, et les plus profondes méditations (Préface du traducteur, vol. 1). Louvrage est illustré de 11 planches, dont plusieurs rehaussées à laquarelle, représentant la rétine et le spectre oculaire. A noter l'impressionnante gravure du fauteuil pour corriger la distorsion de la colonne vertébrale. Rare exemplaire dont ne dénombre que 2 exemplaires passés en vente ces 50 dernières années. Bel exemplaire conservé dans sa reliure dépoque. 4 vol. 8vo (212 x 138 mm.) of : I. [3] ff. (faux-title, title, epigraph); 20 pp. (preface by the translator); [1] f. (title of the first part); 23 pp. (resumption of pagination at 19, preface by the author); [1] pp. (table) ; 614 pp. ; [1] p. (errata); 3 watercolor plates; II. [2] ff. (title, table) ; 659 pp. ; [2] pp. (errata, notice to the binder); 4 plates (3 watercolors, 1 engraved); III. XIV pp. (title, title of the second part, preface by the author) ; 586 pp. ; 3 engraved plates ; IV. [1] f. (title) ; 570 pp. (including table) ; 1 engraved folding plate. A total of 11 plates (including 1 folding and 6 in watercolor). (Body of the book very fresh). Contemporary half-basane, boards covered with marbled paper, spines decorated with smooth edges, title in black morocco, edges speckled. (A few small freckles). First edition in French, translated from English by Joseph-François Kluyskens and due to Erasmus Darwin (E.O.: 1795 and 1799). The present work is considered to be his main work on natural sciences and medicine. Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802) was a British poet, physician, botanist and inventor. Seventy years before the work of his famous grandson and in the face of the then dominant creationism, he significantly initiated reflections on the origin of life and its evolution. As a physician, he practiced his art with great success in Lichfield. He wrote a famous poem, the "Jardin botanique" (1781), divided into two parts, entitled "l'Économie de la végétation" and "Amours des plantes", and a very original work, the "Zoonomie ou Lois de la vie organique" (1794): he classifies the diseases of man according to a method similar to the one adopted by Carl von Linné (1707-1778, Swedish naturalist) for plants, and explains them all by excitability, like Thomas Brown (1785-1862, British naturalist and malacologist). In this work, as well as in the posthumous poem "The Temple of Nature", he exposes evolutionary ideas. His curiosity led him to question the reasons for the presence of fossilized shells at the bottom of mines as well as the development of bacteria, which he observed under a microscope. He also conducted research on clouds. In his work and his reflection, he came to question the then dominant doctrine of creationism. He gave a role to sexual selection in the evolution of species, an idea that his grandson would also support and even entitled "Zoonomia" the first manuscript of the Origin of Species. Also an inventor in various fields, Erasmus Darwin allowed others to take credit for some of his inventions, fearing for his reputation as a doctor. He is credited with: Josiah Wedgwood's horizontal windmill (grandfather of Charles Darwin's wife Emma Wedgwood); a type of carriage that does not tip over (1766); a talking machine (1771); the Somersetshire Coal Canal box elevator; a geometric device for linking the direction of a vehicle (1758), prefiguring Ackermann's directional geometry; an artesian well; and various meteorological devices. The translator, Joseph-François Kluyskens, describes Darwin's work as follows: "To make known the laws which govern all organized bodies; to reduce all these laws which relate to organic life into classes, orders, genera, and species, and finally to make them serve as an explanation of the causes of disease; such was the aim which Doctor Darwin proposed to himself when he composed Zoonomy, a sublime work which cost him more than twenty years of work, and the deepest meditations (translated from french). The work is illustrated with 11 plates, several of them enhanced with watercolors, representing the retina and the ocular spectrum. Note the impressive engraving of the chair "to correct the distortion of the spine" (translated from french). Rare and beautiful copy, preserved in its original binding, of which only 2 copies have been sold in the last 50 years.‎

‎Shu no Kigen: Seizon Kyoso Tekisha Seizon no Genri (i.e. English: ""Origin of Species""]. - [THE MOST INFLUENTIAL JAPANESE TRANSLATION OF 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES']‎

‎Tokyo, Tokyo Kaiseikan, Meiji 38 [1905]. 8vo. In the original full bloth cloth with gilt letteing (in both Japanese and Latin characters). Light occassional brownspotting, otherwise a fine copy. 4, 894, 28, 12 pp. + frontispiece and folded plate with genealogical tree.‎

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‎Rare second translation, and arguably the most important, of the Japanese translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"" (the first being from 1896 and only published once). This is the first translation to be made by a professional biologist. The previous translation (""Seibutsu Shigen"") was made by a law student which presumably was a contributing factor to the fact that the work primarily was embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. With the present translation Darwin's ideas and theories were finally properly introduced to the people they were intended for: biologist and zoologist. The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII).""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 719‎

‎O Proischozhdenii Vodov... [Russian: On the Origin of Species]. Perevel c anglijskago [translated from English by] S.A. Rachinsky. - [""THE MOST IMPORTANT BIOLOGICAL BOOK EVER WRITTEN"" (FREEMAN)]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, 1864. 8vo. Bound in a beautiful half calf recent pastiche-binding with marbled papers over boards and elegant gilding to spine. End-papers renewed. Stamp to half-title, title-page and first leaf of text. First leaves evenly browned and dampstain to outer margin affecting last 50 ff. A few occassional brownspots throughout. XIV, 399, (1) pp. + 1 plate with genealogical tree (between pp. 92/93).‎

‎First edition of the first Russian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", a main reason for the widespread effect of Darwinism in Russia, where the theory met less resistance in the 1860'ies than it did in Western Europe. In Russia, Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.""In 1864, S.A. Rachinsky, professor of plant physiology at St. Petersburg University, produced the first Russian translation of the ""Origin"". Although not a masterpiece of translation art, the book sold out so quickly that in 1865 it went through a second printing. By this time Darwin's ideas were discussed not only by scientists but also by such popular writers as Dmitri Pisarev and M. A. Antinovich."" (Glick, p. 232). Rachinsky began translating the ""Origin"" in 1862 and wrote an important article on the theories presented in it, while working on the translation. This article and the translation of the ""Origin"" into Russian were responsible for the great success and rapid, widespread knowledge of Darwinian theory of evolution in Russia. ""Darwin was concerned that the ""Origin of Species"" reach naturalists across the world, but translations of that complicated work raised problems for Darwin. If he found it difficult to make the reader ""understand what is meant"" in England and America, at least in those two countries he and the reader were discussing the ""Origin of Species"" in the same language. Foreign language editions raised not only the thorny question of translating Darwinian terms, but also the problem of translators, who often thought it proper to annotate their editions to explain the ""significance"" of Darwinism. The first Russian translation of the ""Origin of Species"" (1864) appeared, however, without any comment whatever by the translator, Sergei A. Rachinsky, professor of botany at the University of Moscow. Rachinsky had begun the translation in 1862 and published an article on Darwinism while continuing work on the translation in 1863."" (Rogers, p. 485). In the year of publication of the translation, 1864, Pisarev wrote a long article in ""The Russian Word"", which purports to be a review of this translation" the critic complains about the absence of notes and commentaries by the translator. Pisarev furthermore points to several errors in the translation and to numerous infelicities of expression. Acknowledging the importance of the work, however, and of the spreading of Darwinism in Russia, he goes on in his own essay to provide a much more popular account of Darwin's theory and to impress upon his readers its revolutionary significance.Nikolai Strakhov also reviewed the translation immediately upon publication, acknowledging the effect it would have. Strakhov, however, recognized potential dangers inherent in the theory and expressed them in his review of Rachinsky's translation. He praised the work for its thoroughness and rejoiced in the evidence that man constituted the highest stage of organic development" but then he went on to argue that by moving into questions of philosophy and theology, the Darwinists were exceeding the limits of scientific evidence. Like Pisarev, Tolstoy enthusiastically embraced Darwinism. ""The first mention of Darwin in Tolstoy's literary ""Nachlass"" is found in one of the drafts to ""War and Peace"". There Darwin is listed, apparently quite favorably, among leading thinkers ""working toward new truth"" [...] Thus by the late 1860's the name of Darwin as a leading scientist was already familiar to Tolstoy and duly respected."" (McLean, p. 160). A fact which is often overlooked is that Tolstoy actually knew Rachinsky quite well. Interestingly, it was in a letter to Rachinsky, in reply to a question about the structure of ""Anna Karenina"", that Tolstoy made the famous statement (that all Tolstoy scholars and lovers know by heart): ""I am proud of the architecture - the arches are joined in such a way that you cannot discover where the keystone is"". Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.Freeman 748. See: James Allen Rogers: The Reception of Darwin's Origin of Species by Russian Scientists. In: Isis, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 484-503.Thomas F. Glick: The Comparative Reception of Darwinism. 1974.Hugh McLean: In Quest of Tolstoy. 2008.‎

‎Notes on the Effects produced by the Ancient Glaciers of Caernarvonshire, and on the Boulders transported by Floating Ice.‎

‎London, University of London, 1842. 8vo. In contemporary half calf. In ""The London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science"", Vol. XXI. July - December, entire volume offered. Spine with wear and lacking bits of the leather especially affecting front hinge. Leather brittle. Front hindge loose. Exlibris pasted on to pasted down front end-paper. Internally nice and clean. [Darwin's paper:] Pp. 180-88. [Entire volume: viii, 568 pp.].‎

‎First appearance of Darwin’s paper on the effects produced by the glaciers of Caernarvonshire. In 1831 Charles Darwin came to Cwm Idwal and failed to perceive the evidence of glaciation there. In 1842, Darwin then went on to describe the glaciation of Cwm Idwal in some detail. He recorded both his first visit with the Cambridge geologist Adam Sedgwick and his second, more aware, visit in his autobiography: “Next morning we started for Llangollen, Conway, Bangor, and Capel Curig. This tour was of decided use in teaching me a little how to make out the geology of a country. Sedgwick often sent me on a line parallel to his, telling me to bring back specimens of the rocks and to mark the stratification on a map. On this tour I had a striking instance of how easy it is to overlook phenomena, however conspicuous, before they have been observed by any one. We spent many hours in Cwm Idwal, examining all the rocks with extreme care, as Sedgwick was anxious to find fossils in them" but neither of us saw a trace of the wonderful glacial phenomena all around us we did not notice the plainly scored rocks, the perched boulders, the lateral and terminal moraines. Yet these phenomena are so conspicuous that, as I declared in a paper published many years afterwards in the ‘Philosophical Magazine’ [Darwin, 1842], a house burnt down by fire did not tell its story more plainly than did this valley. If it had still been filled by a glacier, the phenomena would have been less distinct than they now are. (Darwin, 1887)” “By 1842, not only had Darwin travelled widely (Herbert, 1991) but Agassiz (1840) had published his theory of glaciation. Darwin was also then apprised of the arguments of the geologist William Buckland. Buckland was known for his penchant for eating every variety of animal, a trait which his son inherited (Burgess, 1967: Chapter 1 Chorley et al., 1964: 100–118 see also Lewry, 2008) but he also developed highly significant ideas on glaciation and the limitations of the diluvial theory (Chorley et al., 1964: 207–210). A key realization is that water-lain flood deposits are normally laid down in stratified layers, with the coarser material below the fine, while the glacial deposits are unstratified and mixed in size. Thus, in contrast to his earlier 1831 lack of glacial observation” (Trudgill, Do theories tell us what to see? The 19th-century observations of Darwin, Ramsay and Bonney on glacial features), Darwin wrote: “Guided and taught by the abstract of Dr. Buckland’s memoir ‘On Diluvio-Glacial Phænomena in Snowdonia and the adjacent parts of North Wales’ I visited several of the localities there noticed, and ... I have been enabled to make a few additional observations. Dr. Buckland has stated that a mile east of Lake Ogwyn there occurs a series of mounds, covered with hundreds of large blocks of stone, which approach nearer to the condition of an undisturbed moraine, than any other mounds of detritus noticed by him in North Wales. By ascending these mounds it is indeed easy to imagine that they formed the north-western lateral moraine of a Trudgill 559 Downloaded from ppg.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 16, 2016 glacier, descending in a north-east line from the Great Glyder mountain. But at the southern end of Lake Idwell the phænomena of moraines are presented, though on a much smaller scale, with perfect distinctness. (From the present paper, p. 180)” Darwin then gives a detailed description of the glacial features: “On entering the wild amphitheatre in which Lake Idwell lies, some small conical, irregular little mounds, which might easily escape attention, may be seen at the further end. The best preserved mounds lie on the west side of the great black perpendicular face of rock, forming the southern boundary of the lake. They have been intersected in many places by streams, and they are seen to consist of earth and detritus, with great blocks of rock on their summits. They at first appear quite irregularly grouped, but to a person ascending any one of those furthest from the precipice, they are at once seen to fall into three (with traces of a fourth) narrow straight linear ridges. The ridge nearest the precipice runs someway up the mountain, but the outer one is longer and more perfect, and forms a trough with the mountain-side, from 10 to 15 feet deep. On the eastern and opposite side of the head of the lake, corresponding but less developed mounds of detritus may be seen running a little way up the mountain. It is, I think, impossible for any one who has read the descriptions of the moraines bordering the existing glaciers in the Alps, to stand on these mounds and for an instant to doubt that they are ancient moraines nor is it possible to conceive any other cause which could have abruptly thrown up these long narrow steep mounds of unstratified detritus against the mountain-sides. (From the present paper, p. 180)”‎

‎Proiskhozhdenie chelovieska i polovoi podbor [i.e. English ""Descent of Man""]. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S 'DESCENT OF MAN' INTO ANY LANGUAGE]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, Izdanie redaktsii zhurnala ""Znanie, 1871. 8vo. In contemporary black half calf with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Corners of binding with repairs and a three cm long tear to lower front hindge. Light miscolouring throughout, especially to first 10 leaves. (2), VII, (6), 439 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Russian translation of Darwin's 'Descent of Man' published only four month after the original English. The Russian publisher was eager to have a translation published, hence this early abridged edition - two other Russian translations followed later the same year - The present translation being the very first into any language. ""The Descent of Man showed that the process of organic evolution, propelled by the struggle for existence and natural selection, applied to man no less than to the rest of the animal kingdom. It gave explicit recognition to the idea of the anthropoid origin of man. This claim surprised no one, for it was clearly hinted at in the great work of 1859 and was elaborated in Thomas Huxley's Man's Place in Nature and Vogt's Lectures on Man. Nor was it much of a surprise when three Russian translations of The Descent appeared within one year after the publication of the English original. Two general ideas represented the essence of The Descent: natural selection is not only behind the physical survival of man but also behind the evolution of cultural values"" and the differences between animal and human behavior are differences of degree rather than of kind."" (Darwin in Russian Thought) ""The Expression helped lay the foundations for a scientific study of the psychological aspect of the evolution of species. The book appeared in a Russian translation only a few months after the publication of the English original. The paleontologist Vladimir Kovalevskii was the translator, and the embryologist Aleksandr Kovalevskii was in charge of editorial tasks. In 1874 Vladimir wrote to Darwin that nearly two thousand copies of the Russian translation were sold."" "" The Expression deals much more extensively with selected aspects of human and animal behavior than with general problems of evolutionary biology. The Russian reviewers were generally impressed with Darwin's descriptions and categorizations of animal behavior. The Journal of the Ministry of Public Education was unusually profuse in praising the book's content and writing style. The reviewer commended Darwin's impartiality and avoidance of ""materialistic trappings."" Even the adherents of spiritualism could read the book, he wrote, without the least discomfort. The reviewer thought that psychologists would benefit from the information the book presented on the ""physiological"" basis of behavior. Indeed, he recommended the book to all readers interested in the scientific foundations of human behavior. The liberal journal Knowledgewas equally laudatory. It noted that the book was eminently successful on two counts: it offered a ""rational explanation"" of many expressions of human emotions, and it integrated the study of animal and human behavior into the universal process of organic evolution. In fact, no educated person could afford to ignore it.N. P. Vagner, professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at St. Petersburg University, called The Expression a book with ""great strengths and minor flaws."" The volume reminded him of Darwin's previous works, which marked ""turning points in the history of science."" The strength of the book lay much more in its suggestion of new topics for comparative-psychological research than in a presentation of a theoretically and logically integrated system of scientific thought. Insufficient exploration of the physiological underpinnings of mental activities represented the book's major shortcoming"" (Darwin in Russian Thought) In Russia Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin of Species"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.'Descent of Man' was transted into Danish, Dutch, French, German, Italian, Polish, Russian and Swedish in Darwin's lifetime. Freeman 1107.‎

‎O Proischozhdenii Vodov... [Russian: On the Origin of Species]. Perevel c anglijskago [translated from English by] S.A. Rachinsky. - [""THE MOST IMPORTANT BIOLOGICAL BOOK EVER WRITTEN"" (FREEMAN)]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, 1864. 8vo. Bound in a beautiful recent pastiche-binding of brown half calf with marbled papers over boards and elegant gilding to spine. End-papers renewed. A few dampstains and a bit of brownspotting throughout. A nice copy. XIV, 399, (1) pp. + 1 plate.‎

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‎First edition of the first Russian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", a main reason for the widespread effect of Darwinism in Russia, where the theory met less resistance in the 1860'ies than it did in Western Europe. In Russia, Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.""In 1864, S.A. Rachinsky, professor of plant physiology at St. Petersburg University, produced the first Russian translation of the ""Origin"". Although not a masterpiece of translation art, the book sold out so quickly that in 1865 it went through a second printing. By this time Darwin's ideas were discussed not only by scientists but also by such popular writers as Dmitri Pisarev and M. A. Antinovich."" (Glick, p. 232). Rachinsky began translating the ""Origin"" in 1862 and wrote an important article on the theories presented in it, while working on the translation. This article and the translation of the ""Origin"" into Russian were responsible for the great success and rapid, widespread knowledge of Darwinian theory of evolution in Russia. ""Darwin was concerned that the ""Origin of Species"" reach naturalists across the world, but translations of that complicated work raised problems for Darwin. If he found it difficult to make the reader ""understand what is meant"" in England and America, at least in those two countries he and the reader were discussing the ""Origin of Species"" in the same language. Foreign language editions raised not only the thorny question of translating Darwinian terms, but also the problem of translators, who often thought it proper to annotate their editions to explain the ""significance"" of Darwinism. The first Russian translation of the ""Origin of Species"" (1864) appeared, however, without any comment whatever by the translator, Sergei A. Rachinsky, professor of botany at the University of Moscow. Rachinsky had begun the translation in 1862 and published an article on Darwinism while continuing work on the translation in 1863."" (Rogers, p. 485). In the year of publication of the translation, 1864, Pisarev wrote a long article in ""The Russian Word"", which purports to be a review of this translation" the critic complains about the absence of notes and commentaries by the translator. Pisarev furthermore points to several errors in the translation and to numerous infelicities of expression. Acknowledging the importance of the work, however, and of the spreading of Darwinism in Russia, he goes on in his own essay to provide a much more popular account of Darwin's theory and to impress upon his readers its revolutionary significance.Nikolai Strakhov also reviewed the translation immediately upon publication, acknowledging the effect it would have. Strakhov, however, recognized potential dangers inherent in the theory and expressed them in his review of Rachinsky's translation. He praised the work for its thoroughness and rejoiced in the evidence that man constituted the highest stage of organic development" but then he went on to argue that by moving into questions of philosophy and theology, the Darwinists were exceeding the limits of scientific evidence. Like Pisarev, Tolstoy enthusiastically embraced Darwinism. ""The first mention of Darwin in Tolstoy's literary ""Nachlass"" is found in one of the drafts to ""War and Peace"". There Darwin is listed, apparently quite favorably, among leading thinkers ""working toward new truth"" [...] Thus by the late 1860's the name of Darwin as a leading scientist was already familiar to Tolstoy and duly respected."" (McLean, p. 160). A fact which is often overlooked is that Tolstoy actually knew Rachinsky quite well. Interestingly, it was in a letter to Rachinsky, in reply to a question about the structure of ""Anna Karenina"", that Tolstoy made the famous statement (that all Tolstoy scholars and lovers know by heart): ""I am proud of the architecture - the arches are joined in such a way that you cannot discover where the keystone is"". Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.Freeman: 748. See: James Allen Rogers: The Reception of Darwin's Origin of Species by Russian Scientists. In: Isis, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 484-503.Thomas F. Glick: The Comparative Reception of Darwinism. 1974.Hugh McLean: In Quest of Tolstoy. 2008.‎

‎Proiskhozhdenie chelovieska i polovoi podbor [i.e. English ""Descent of Man""]. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S 'DESCENT OF MAN' INTO ANY LANGUAGE]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, Izdanie redaktsii zhurnala ""Znanie, 1871. 8vo. In recent half calf with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Soiling and damp stain to title-page. Light brownspotting throughout. (2), VII, (5), 439, (7) pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Russian translation of Darwin's 'Descent of Man' published only four months after the original English. The Russian publisher was eager to have a translation published, hence this early abridged edition - two other Russian translations followed later the same year - The present translation being the very first into any language. ""The Descent of Man showed that the process of organic evolution, propelled by the struggle for existence and natural selection, applied to man no less than to the rest of the animal kingdom. It gave explicit recognition to the idea of the anthropoid origin of man. This claim surprised no one, for it was clearly hinted at in the great work of 1859 and was elaborated in Thomas Huxley's Man's Place in Nature and Vogt's Lectures on Man. Nor was it much of a surprise when three Russian translations of The Descent appeared within one year after the publication of the English original. Two general ideas represented the essence of The Descent: natural selection is not only behind the physical survival of man but also behind the evolution of cultural values"" and the differences between animal and human behavior are differences of degree rather than of kind."" (Darwin in Russian Thought) ""The Expression helped lay the foundations for a scientific study of the psychological aspect of the evolution of species. The book appeared in a Russian translation only a few months after the publication of the English original. The paleontologist Vladimir Kovalevskii was the translator, and the embryologist Aleksandr Kovalevskii was in charge of editorial tasks. In 1874 Vladimir wrote to Darwin that nearly two thousand copies of the Russian translation were sold."" "" The Expression deals much more extensively with selected aspects of human and animal behavior than with general problems of evolutionary biology. The Russian reviewers were generally impressed with Darwin's descriptions and categorizations of animal behavior. The Journal of the Ministry of Public Education was unusually profuse in praising the book's content and writing style. The reviewer commended Darwin's impartiality and avoidance of ""materialistic trappings."" Even the adherents of spiritualism could read the book, he wrote, without the least discomfort. The reviewer thought that psychologists would benefit from the information the book presented on the ""physiological"" basis of behavior. Indeed, he recommended the book to all readers interested in the scientific foundations of human behavior. The liberal journal Knowledgewas equally laudatory. It noted that the book was eminently successful on two counts: it offered a ""rational explanation"" of many expressions of human emotions, and it integrated the study of animal and human behavior into the universal process of organic evolution. In fact, no educated person could afford to ignore it.N. P. Vagner, professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at St. Petersburg University, called The Expression a book with ""great strengths and minor flaws."" The volume reminded him of Darwin's previous works, which marked ""turning points in the history of science."" The strength of the book lay much more in its suggestion of new topics for comparative-psychological research than in a presentation of a theoretically and logically integrated system of scientific thought. Insufficient exploration of the physiological underpinnings of mental activities represented the book's major shortcoming"" (Darwin in Russian Thought) In Russia Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin of Species"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.'Descent of Man' was transted into Danish, Dutch, French, German, Italian, Polish, Russian and Swedish in Darwin's lifetime. Freeman 1107.‎

‎Observations on the Structure and Propagation of the genus Sagitta. - [""ONE OF THE MOST ANOMALOUS ANIMALS IN THE WORLD""]‎

‎London, Taylor and Francis, 1844. 8vo. In a nice later half morocco binding with five raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Blind stamped to upper outer corner of first leaf of table of contents. In ""The Annals and Magazine of Natural History"", volume 13. A very fine and clean copy. [Darwin's paper] pp. (1)-6 + 1 plate. [Entire volume:] viii, [1] - 528 + 14 plates (4 hand-coloured).‎

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‎First edition of Darwin's paper on marine arrow worms collected by him on his voyage on the Beagle. It is one of Darwin's early papers on invertebrates, which was originally intended for publication in The Zoology of the Voyage of HMS Beagle. Described by Darwin as ""one of the most anomalous animals in the world,"" the origin of these strange carnivorous animals, which Darwin found highly interesting, is still unresolved. These early works are rarely seen on the market. The plate, drawn by Darwin, is based on his drawings made during the Beagle Voyage.Darwin arrived back in England from his voyage around the world on the Beagle in October 1836. He immediately set about writing up the results of the expedition-first, his general account, the Journal of the Beagle, and then, publishing the scientific observations and collections he had made while on the Beagle. The majority of these were published in the Zoology-including parts on mammals, fish, birds, and reptiles but Darwin ran out of funds beforehe could bring out the volume on invertebrates:""Darwin undertook to provide a comprehensive programme for the publication of the zoological results of the Beagle voyage - he obtained a Treasury grant to pay for the necessary engravings, and, having enlisted the leading taxonomical specialists in the several fields, he superintended the publication of the Zoology of the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle from February 1838 to October 1843 - The work comprises five parts: Fossil Mammalia, by Richard Owen" Mammalia, by G. R. Waterhouse Birds, by John Gould Fish, by Leonard Jenyns" and Reptiles, by Thomas Bell-a total of nineteen quarto issues. Darwin contributed a substantial portion of the text, drawing uponhis field notes for geological and geographical data and for the descriptions of the habits and habitats of the species - Darwin had originally planned to include descriptions of invertebrates in the Zoology but the exhaustion ofthe government grant forced him to abandon the idea. Instead he decided to publish his own observations and descriptions of the specimens that he considered to be important new discoveries, and did so in articles on Sagitta finished during the autumn of 1843, and Planariae, described in 1844"" (Burkhardt 1986 p. xv.).PROVENANCE: From the collection William Pickett Harris, Jr. (1897 - 1972) (pencil note on p. iii). American investment banker and biologist. Following a career in banking, Harris was appointed Associate Curator of the Museum of Zoology at the University of Michigan in 1928. ""[Harris] played a highly important role in developing mammalogy and systematic collections of mammals at the University of Michigan"" (Hooper p. 923).Freeman 1664.‎

‎Sull'Origine delle Specie per Elezione Naturale ovvero Conservazione delle Razze perfezionate nella Lotto per L'Esistenza. Prima Traduzione Italiana col Consenso dell' Autore per Cura di G. Canestrini e L. Salimbeni. - [FIRST ITALIAN TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S ""ORIGIN OF SPECIES""]‎

‎Modena, Nicola Zanichelli e. Soci, 1864. 8vo. In contemporary half calf with four raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Reinforced in inner margins and plate with waterstains to lower margin. An unusually fine and well preserved copy, internally as well as externally. XV, 403 pp + 1 plate.‎

‎Rare first edition of the first Italian translation of Darwin's seminal ""Origin of Species"", quite unusually, authorized by Darwin himself. The work was very well received and - compared to France and Spain - Darwinism was quickly adopted by Italian biologist and zoologist and meet only little catholic opposition. ""The impact of Darwinism on Italian naturalists was powerful"" the logic and rigorous treatment of the problem of the origin of species as Darwin had presented it, forced zoologists and anthropologists to reconsider those passages of Lamarckisms that they had agreed to with excessive enthusiasm"". (Capanna, Darwinism and the Italian academies). The reception of Darwin's work in France (1862) and Spain (1877) were characterized by a strong chatolic opposition, which also had a strong suppressing effect on the spread of his ideas to academic institutions.Despite of Italy being a catholic stronghold the reception of Darwinism was very favourable and meet very limited criticism from the church:""In contrast to the power Catholicism was able to exert against Darwinism in Spain, it was practically impotent in Italy. Neither could the Italian Catholic intellectual establishment draw upon a repertory of anti-Darwinism arguments from the Italian scientific establishment, as was done in France. As in France under the Third Republic and as was the case sporadically in Spain, the advent of Darwinism in Italy provided a source of ideology for the anticlerical movement. Although Darwinism enjoyed a number of close connections with the English source, the peculiarities of the Italian situation set Darwinism in Italy apart from other situations. Italy was in the forefront in recognizing Darwin, electing him to various academies and societies and awarding him the famous Bressa Prize in 1875. In Italy the translation of the Origin ""1864"" was given an impeccable scientific presentation by Giocanni Canestrini and Leonardo Salimbeni, which avoided the type of situation that arose from the presentation of Darwinism in France by Clémence Royer as a new scientific basis for a secularistic Weltanschauung. As a general explanation, of course, it is reasonable to accept Cermenati's arguments that the favorable receptivity of the scientific community and the general indifference to ecclesiastical objections to Darwinism are the chief factors explaining the quick spread of Darwinism in Italy"". (Glick, The Comparative Reception of Darwinism).Emma Darwin, Darwin's wife, wrote publisher John Murry on the 17th of December: ""Mr Darwin desires me to say that as you have never hesitated to authorize a foreign translation he has taken upon himself to authorise a translation into Italian without consulting you."" When Darwin was informed that his work was being translated into Italian he wrote to his close friend J. D. Hooker: ""There is an Italian Edit. of Origin preparing!!! This makes fifth foreign Edit, ie in five foreign countries. Owen will not be right in telling Longmans that Book wd be utterly forgotten in ten years. Hurrah!"".Freeman no. 706‎

‎Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg (Danish) + Arternes Oprindelse gjennem naturligt Udvalg (Norwegian) + Om Arternas Uppkomst genom naturligt Urval (Swedish). - [INTRODUCTION OF THE ""ORIGIN"" IN SCANDINAVIA]‎

‎Kjøbenhavn [Copenhagen], 1872 - (Kristiania [Oslo], 1890) - Stockholm, 1871. A very nice and harmonious set, in four excellent half calf bindings.1) The Danish translation: 1 volume 8vo. A nice contemporary half calf with gilding to spine and gilt title-label. Only light wear. Internally some light brownspotting. (19), XIII, 605, (1) pp.2) The Norwegian translation: 2 volumes small 8vo. Bound in two excellent, uniform, recent red morocco bindings in pastiche-style, with gilt lines to spines. The work is printed in quite bad paper, which is always yellowed and quite brittle. Thus, the first title-page has two small restorations from verso, far from arrecting printing. The second title-page had an old owener's signature and a previous owner's stamp. 379, (5)"" 383 pp.3) The Swedish translation: 1 volume large 8vo. Bound uncut and with the extremely scarce original front wrapper in a lovely later brown half morrocco binding in contemporary style, with five raised bands and gilt author and year to spine. Front wrapper bound on a strip at inner hinge and with a missing outer coner (far from affecting printing). Old owner's name to front wrapper. An excellent copy. XI, (1), 420 pp.‎

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‎A magnificent collection of first editions of the first Danish, Norwegian and Swedish translations of Darwin's masterpiece ""The Origin of Species"", together constituting the introduction to ""The Darwinian Revolution in Scandinavia"".The first Scandinavian translation to appear was the Swedish, which is also the rarest of the three. Darwinism was strongly opposed in Sweden, where the primary reaction to the work came from religious institutions that were outraged and fiercely fought against spreading the ideas presented in ""origin"" in their country. The second Scandinavian translation to appear was the Danish, which was translated in 1872 by the then young botanist J. P. Jacobsen, who was soon to become one f Scandinavia's most celebrated and influential authors. He received world-wide fame as the author of ""Marie Grubbe"" and ""Niels Lyhne"", which founded literary naturalism in Europe. ""In the early 1870's, however, he was still dedicated to science. In 1873 he received the University of Copenhagen's Gold Medal for his work on desmids, single-celled green freshwater algae. The Descent of Man was also translated by Jacobsen and appeared in 1874-75.""Darwin's ideas found great resonance in scientific circles in Denmark, and his ideas were immediately recognized. ""In the early 1870s [With the Danish translation] the literary critic Georg Brandes started promoting Darwin's ideas as part of his liberal ideology and soon Darwinism became the mark of a new generation of intellectuals. Both the Steenstrup circle and the Brandes circle held Darwin in high esteem, but made completely different attributions to his theory. Consequently they both decided to raise money separately for the same Darwin. Darwin had borrowed the collection of barnacles from the Zoology Museum in Copenhagen with the help of Steenstrup. As a compliment Darwin sent him a signed copy of the Origin. Steenstrup acknowledged Darwin as an important fellow naturalist, but like many of his colleagues at the University of Copenhagen he never accepted evolutionary theory. The initial scientific reaction to Darwin's work on evolution by means of natural selection was respectful, but made few converts. memorial in 1882. Independently, Darwinism transformed as it became part of popular culture. "" (Kjærsgaard, Darwinism comes to Denmark).The Norwegian translation was the last of the three to appear, but it is quite scarce and very difficult to come by. It was published by businessman and publisher Johan Sørensen (1830-1918) as a part of 'Bibliothek for de tusen hjem' (Library for Every Home).""The first volume came out at the end of 1889, in five parts and a total of 379 pages. Each part cost 30 øre, making a total price of 1 kroner 50 øre. The following year, 1890, the second volume appeared and this consisted of four parts totaling 383 pages and cost 1 kroner 20 øre. The books were translated from the English sixth and final edition by the Master of the Arendal Public Secondary College, Ingebret Suleng (1852-1928)"" (Glick, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Europe).1. The Danish translation: Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg eller ved de heldigst stillede Formers Sejr i Kampen for Tilværelsen. Efter Originalens femte Udgave oversat af J.P. Jacobsen. Kjøbenhavn, Gyldendalske Boghandel (F. Hegel), 1872. 8vo. (10),XIII,605,(1) pp. - Freeman No 643 (Freeman with wrong collation, as he omits half-title and content-leaves).2. The Norwegian translation: Arternes Oprindelse gjennem naturligt Udvalg eller de bedst skikkede Formers bevarelse i Striden for Livet. Oversat efter Originalens VI. Udgave af Ingebret Suleng. (I-) II. (Kristiania), Bibliothek for de tusen hjem. Fagerstrand pr. Høvik, (1890). Small 8vo. (1-3)4-379,(4)"(1-3)4-383 pp. - Not in Freeman.3. The Swedish translation: Om Arternas Uppkomst genom naturligt Urval eller de bäst utrustade Rasernas Bestånd i Kampen för Tillvaron. Öfversättning från femte Originalupplagan af A.M. Selling. Stockholm, L.J. Hiertas Förlagsexpedition, 1871. (I-IV)V-XI,420 pp., 1 plate. - Freeman No 793 (Freeman having the wrong year of publication and not mentioning the plate).‎

‎Pangenesis. - [DARWIN'S FERENSE OF HIS PANGENESIS-THEORY.]‎

‎London and New York, Macmillan and Co., 1871. Royal8vo. In publisher's original red embossed cloth. In ""Nature. A Weekly Illustrated Journal of Science"", Vol. 3, November 1870 - April 1871. Stamp to title-page and ex-libris pasted on to pasted down front end-paper. Binding with considerable wear"" spine partly disintegrated and front board bended vertically, but bookblock firmly attached. Internally fine and clean. Darwin's paper: Pp. 502-503. [Entire volume: XII, 520 pp].‎

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‎First appearance of Darwin’s defense of his Pangenesis-theory. The Pangenesis theory was hypothetical mechanism for heredity, in which he proposed that each part of the body continually emitted its own type of small organic particles called gemmules that aggregated in the gonads, contributing heritable information to the gametes. He presented this 'provisional hypothesis' in his 1868 work The Variation of Animals and Plants Under Domestication, intending it to fill what he perceived as a major gap in evolutionary theory at the time. Darwin's half-cousin Francis Galton spent much time conducting wide-ranging inquiries into heredity which led him to refute Charles Darwin's hypothetical theory of pangenesis. In consultation with Darwin, he set out to see if gemmules were transported in the blood. Galton was troubled because he began the work in good faith, intending to prove Darwin right, and having praised pangenesis in Hereditary Genius in 1869. Cautiously, he criticized his cousin's theory, although qualifying his remarks by saying that Darwin's gemmules, which he called ""pangenes"", might be temporary inhabitants of the blood that his experiments had failed to pick up. In the present paper Darwin challenged the validity of Galton's experiment, giving his reasons in an article published in Nature where he wrote. “Now, in the chapter on Pangenesis in my Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication, I have not said one word about the blood, or about any fluid proper to any circulating system. It is, indeed, obvious that the presence of gemmules in the blood can form no necessary part of my hypothesis" for I refer in illustration of it to the lowest animals, such as the Protozoa, which do not possess blood or any vessels" and I refer to plants in which the fluid, when present in the vessels, cannot be considered as true blood."" He goes on to admit: ""Nevertheless, when I first heard of Mr. Galton's experiments, I did not sufficiently reflect on the subject, and saw not the difficulty of believing in the presence of gemmules in the blood.” (From the present paper) The hypothesis was finally refuted in the 1900ies after Gregor Mendel's theory of the particulate nature of inheritance was accepted. The Pangenesis-theory, however, may be considered an eclectic mix of DNA, RNA, proteins and prions, and can be regarded as being one of the earliest steps toward the modern mechanism for heredity, namely DNA and RNA. Freeman 1751‎

‎De L'Origine des Espèces ou des Lois du Progrès chez les Étres organisés par Ch. Darwin. Traduit en francais sur le troisieme Édition avec l'autorisation de l'Auteur par Mlle Clémence-Auguste Royer. Avec une Preface et des Notes du Traducteur. - [FIRST FRENCH EDITION OF THE ""ORIGIN""]‎

‎Paris, Guillaumin et Cie, Victor Masson et Fils, 1862. 8vo. Bound partly uncut with the original wrappers in a very nice later full calf pastiche binding with four raised band and richly gilt spine. Gilt boarders to boards. Small repair to upper right corner of title-page, not affecting text. An exceptionally fine and clean copy. LXIV (incl. half-title), I-XXIII + (24-) 712. pp. and 1 folded plate (between pp.160 a. 161).‎

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‎The scarce first edition of the controversial first French translation - bound partly uncut and with the original wrappers - of Darwin's masterpiece, one of the most important books ever printed. This famed translation - done by self-taught female scholar - ended up causing quite a stir and adding to the theory of evolution some for Darwin quite unforeseen interpretations. Because of this, the translator, Clémence Royer, gained notoriety as one of the leading eugenicists of the time. Darwin was very eager to have his work published in French. It is not known exactly how he happened on Royer as the translator, but as she was familiar with the works of Lamarck and Malthus, immediately realized the importance of Darwin's work and also had close connections to the French publisher Guillaumin, she must have seemed perfect for the job. She had a naturalist help her with the biologically technical parts and made an excellent job of the translation. There was one big problem, however - she went well beyond her role as a translator and added a 60-page preface and numerous explanatory footnotes that Darwin had not seen before publication. In the preface, she challenged the belief in religious revelation, she discussed the application of natural selection to the human race, and she presented a pure eugenic theory, explaining the negative consequences of protecting the weak and the infirm. She also promoted her concept of progressive evolution, which had more in common with the ideas of Lamarck than with those of Darwin. Right after having seen the translation, Darwin wrote in a letter to the American botanist, Asa Gray: ""I received 2 or 3 days ago a French translation of the Origin by a Madelle. Royer, who must be one of the cleverest & oddest women in Europe: is ardent deist & hates Christianity, & declares that natural selection & the struggle for life will explain all morality, nature of man, politicks &c &c!!!. She makes some very curious & good hits, & says she shall publish a book on these subjects, & a strange production it will be.""After some reflection, however, Darwin began having more serious doubts, and about a month later he wrote to the French zoologist Armand de Quatrefages: ""I wish the translator had known more of Natural History" she must be a clever, but singular lady" but I never heard of her, till she proposed to translate my book."" He had now also read the footnotes and wrote to Joseph Hooker: ""Almost everywhere in Origin, when I express great doubt, she appends a note explaining the difficulty or saying that there is none whatever!! It is really curious to know what conceited people there are in the world.""Freeman No 655 (Freeman does not mention the plate, which is present here).‎

‎Brief Descriptions of several Terrestrial Planariae, and of some remarkable Marine Species, with an Account of their Habits. - [DARWIN’S FIRST PUBLICATION ON TAXONOMY]‎

‎London, Taylor and Francis, 1844. 8vo. In a nice later half morocco binding with five raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Blind stamped to upper outer corner of first leaf of table of contents. In ""The Annals and Magazine of Natural History"", volume 14. A very fine and clean copy. [Darwin's paper] pp. pp. 241-251.. [Entire volume:] vii, [1] - 472 + 12 plates.‎

‎First edition of Darwin's paper on flatworms collected by him during the Beagle voyage, one of the important early papers by Darwin on invertebrates originally intended for publication in The Zoology of the Voyage of HMS Beagle. This is Darwin's first publication on taxonomy: illustrated with a plate drawn by Darwin, it describes a new genus and 15 new species of flatworm. Extremely rare on the market.""The paper on flatworms [...] was Darwin's first venture into taxonomy. In it, he described a new genus and 15 new species"" most of the latter are still recognised as valid. He took a great deal of interest in these animals, making extensive notes on their morphology and behaviour"" (Porter, Darwin's Sciences).Previously familiar only with marine species, Darwin was astounded to discover two new species of flatworm living on dry land in Brazil. He was intrigued by their close resemblance to snails, and evolutionary questions may well lie behind his strong interest in them. PROVENANCE: From the collection William Pickett Harris, Jr. (1897 - 1972) (pencil note on p. iii). American investment banker and biologist. Following a career in banking, Harris was appointed Associate Curator of the Museum of Zoology at the University of Michigan in 1928. ""[Harris] played a highly important role in developing mammalogy and systematic collections of mammals at the University of Michigan"" (Hooper p. 923).Freeman 1669‎

‎Briefe von Darwin. Mit Erinnerungen und Erlaeuterungen. (i.e. English ""Letters on Geology""). - [RARE FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S FIRST PUBLISHED WORK]‎

‎Berlin, Gebrüder Paetel, 1891. Large8vo. In a nice contemporary half calf binding with 5 raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. In ""Deutsche Rundschau"", Band 67, 1891. Green leather title-label and red leather tome-label to spine, Small paper label pasted on to top left corner of front board. Two stamps to first leaf and one stamp to P. 476. Light wear to extremities, internally very fine and clean. Pp. 357-390. [Entire volume: IV, 480 pp.]‎

‎The Exceedingly rare first (and only 19th century) translation of Darwin's first published work ""Letters on Geology"" from 1835. The pamphlet was initially published without Darwin's consent and he was ""a good deal horrified"" when he learned about the publication, which explains the posthumous translation. The work contains extracts from ten letters written by Darwin to John Stevens Henslow (1796-1861) during his five-year voyage on the Beagle. Henslow, the charismatic and well-connected Regis Professor of Botany at Cambridge, was Darwin's close friend and first mentor in natural history and responsible for obtaining for Darwin his position as ship's naturalist aboard the Beagle. Henslow had this pamphlet printed without Darwin's knowledge for distribution amongst the members of the Cambridge Philosophical Society ""in consequence of the interest which has been excited by some of the Geological notices which they contain, and which were read at a Meeting of the Society on the 16th of November 1835"" an act which secured Darwin's reputation with the scientific community even before his return to England in October, 1836. ""It has always been assumed that it was issued, to members of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, in December 1835 and this is probably so , but I have not seen a copy with a dated ownership inscription, or accession stamp, for that year"" (Freeman).The original pamphlet was reprinted in facsimile in 1960, again for private circulation in the Cambridge Philosophical Society and for friends of that Society. Only two translations has been made: The present first and a Russian from 1959 (Freeman 7).Freeman No. 6.‎

‎Orígen de las especies por medio de la seleccion natural, ó, Conservacion de las razas en su lucha por la existencia. - [SECOND EDITION OF THE SPANISH TRANSLATION OF 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES'.]‎

‎Madrid, José de Rojas, (1877 or 1880). 8vo. In contemporary half calf with five raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Spine miscoloured and light shelfwear to extremities. A small stamp to half title. A closed tear on pp. 49-50. Otherwise internally fine and clean copy. 2), X, (2), 559 pp. + folded plate. [Freeman wrongly collate X, 589 pp.].‎

‎The rare second edition of the first Spanish translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", this edition being corrected and rewritten in impersonal passive constructions (as opposed to the first Spanish edition being translated in personal) and a portrait of Darwin has been added. As the first edition (Freeman 770), this copy is of the utmost scarcity and very few copies of it are known. OCLC list only four copies (one in Puerto Rico and three in Barcelona), Blanco & Llorco lists two in Barcelona, one in Madrid and one in Valencia - no copies are listed in US libraries. The date of publication is disputed"" Freeman lists 1877 whereas Blanco & Llorco says 1880.""Unlike what had been the case in England, Darwin did not first become widely known in Spanish-speaking countries for the account of his travel around the world but was controversially introduced by the impact his ""Origin of the Species"" was having everywhere else. It is true, however, that his name was already familiar among scientists and intellectuals but it was ""The Origin of the Species"" and its translations that made him a household name. ... The full authorized version of ""The Origin of Species"" was finally translated in 1877 by Enrique Godínez. It had Darwin's endorsement and it was published with a letter from him, where he expressed being glad to have the book translated into Spanish because that would mean that it might be known not only ""in the large kingdom of Spain"" but also ""in the widest extended regions where spanish [sic] is spoken"" (Zabalbeascoa, 1968, p. 275).It took almost twenty years to have Darwin's best known work translated into Spanish while the German, French and Italian-speaking readership had had their own versions of ""The Origin of Species"" since 1860, 1862 and 1875 respectively (Núñez, 1969, p.27). We know it was not due to the author's unwillingness. Brisset states that after the success of ""The Origin of Species"" he communicated to his publisher that he wished his ideas be known abroad (2002, p. 178). This gap reveals that Spain was definitely lagging behind in spreading Darwin's ideas. We could attribute this tardiness to the ""governmental and ecclesiastical pressure"" that Dale J. Pratt mentions when he states that ""open discussion was all but impossible"" (2001, p. 26). It all changed after the Revolution of September 1868, which brought more openness to new ideas and the secularization of education.The situation in other Spanish-speaking countries was no different as regards the delay in the dissemination of Darwin's theory. Most of them were under a very strong Catholic influence and the idea of man descending from monkeys, as it was shallowly communicated, was as hard to swallow as when other visionaries had dared to say that the Earth was round or that the planets revolved around the Sun. Even today, almost 150 years after the publication of ""The Origin of Species"", the debate is no less controversial and very much alive when some conservative groups in certain parts of the United States aim at having the theory of evolution banished from the school curriculum to have the idea of intelligent design taught instead, as mentioned previously."" (Elisa Paoletti, Translations as Shapers of Image: Don Carlos Darwin and his Voyage into Spanish on H.M.S. Beagle. In: ""Érudit"", Volume 18, nr. 1, 2005, pp. 55-77). Freeman 771Blanco & Llorco 35‎

‎Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg eller ved de heldigst stillede Formers Sejr i Kampen for Tilværelsen. Efter Originalens femte Udgave oversat af J.P. Jacobsen. - [FIRST DANISH EDITION OF ""THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES"".]‎

‎Kjøbenhavn, Gyldendalske Boghandel (F. Hegel), 1872. 8vo. Bound in contemporary half calf with gilt lettering to spine. Spine rubbed. A few light brownspots throughout. Otherwise a fine and clean copy. (10), XIII, 605, (1) + 1 plate.‎

‎The Scarce first Danish edition (translated from the 5. edition) of Darwin's monumental ""On the Origin of Species"". ""In 1872 the book was translated into Danish by the young botanist J. P. Jacobsen. He was soon to become a celebrated novelist famous for Marie Grubbe - A Lady of the Seventeenth Century (1876) and Niels Lyhne (1880). In the early 1870's, however, he was still dedicated to science. In 1873 he received the University of Copenhagen's Gold Medal for his work on desmids, single-celled green freshwater algae. The Descent of Man was also translated by Jacobsen and appeared in 1874-75. ""In the early 1870s [With the Danish translation] the literary critic Georg Brandes started promoting Darwin's ideas as part of his liberal ideology and soon Darwinism became the mark of a new generation of intellectuals. Both the Steenstrup circle and the Brandes circle held Darwin in high esteem, but made completely different attributions to his theory. Consequently they both decided to raise money separately for the same Darwin. Darwin had borrowed the collection of barnacles from the Zoology Museum in Copenhagen with the help of Steenstrup. As a compliment Darwin sent him a signed copy of the Origin. Steenstrup acknowledged Darwin as an important fellow naturalist, but like many of his colleagues at the University of Copenhagen he never accepted evolutionary theory. The initial scientific reaction to Darwin's work on evolution by means of natural selection was respectful, but made few converts. memorial in 1882. Independently, Darwinism transformed as it became part of popular culture. ""(Kjærsgaard, Darwinism comes to Denmark)Freeman: 643. (PMM 344 - first edition)‎

‎Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg eller ved de heldigst stillede Formers Sejr i Kampen for Tilværelsen. Efter Originalens femte Udgave oversat af J.P. Jacobsen. - [FIRST DANISH EDITION OF ""THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES"".]‎

‎Kjøbenhavn, Gyldendalske Boghandel (F. Hegel), 1872. 8vo. Bound in contemporary half calf with 4 raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Spine rubbed. A few light brownspots throughout. Otherwise a fine and clean copy. (10), XIII, 605, (1) + 1 plate.‎

‎The Scarce first Danish edition (translated from the 5. edition) of Darwin's monumental ""On the Origin of Species"". ""In 1872 the book was translated into Danish by the young botanist J. P. Jacobsen. He was soon to become a celebrated novelist famous for Marie Grubbe - A Lady of the Seventeenth Century (1876) and Niels Lyhne (1880). In the early 1870's, however, he was still dedicated to science. In 1873 he received the University of Copenhagen's Gold Medal for his work on desmids, single-celled green freshwater algae. The Descent of Man was also translated by Jacobsen and appeared in 1874-75. ""In the early 1870s [With the Danish translation] the literary critic Georg Brandes started promoting Darwin's ideas as part of his liberal ideology and soon Darwinism became the mark of a new generation of intellectuals. Both the Steenstrup circle and the Brandes circle held Darwin in high esteem, but made completely different attributions to his theory. Consequently they both decided to raise money separately for the same Darwin. Darwin had borrowed the collection of barnacles from the Zoology Museum in Copenhagen with the help of Steenstrup. As a compliment Darwin sent him a signed copy of the Origin. Steenstrup acknowledged Darwin as an important fellow naturalist, but like many of his colleagues at the University of Copenhagen he never accepted evolutionary theory. The initial scientific reaction to Darwin's work on evolution by means of natural selection was respectful, but made few converts. memorial in 1882. Independently, Darwinism transformed as it became part of popular culture. ""(Kjærsgaard, Darwinism comes to Denmark)Freeman: 643. (PMM 344 - first edition)‎

‎Az Ember Származàsa és az Ivari Kiválás [i.e. Hungarian: ""The Descent of Man.""]. [Translated by:] Török Aurei és Entz Géza. 2 vols. - [FIRST HUNGARIAN TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S ""THE DESCENT OF MAN""]‎

‎Budapest, Kiadja A. K. M., 1884. 8vo. In the publisher's original two embossed full red cloth bindings with gilt lettering to spine. Small vague stamp to both half-titles. Hindges loose on volume i. A fine fine and clean copy. LXXI, (1), 542 pp."" VII, 5, 436 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Hungarian translation of Darwin's The Descent of Man. ""Compared with the original and with a biography by Margó Tivador"" (Freeman). The Hungarian public was introduced to Darwinism early on when Ferenc Jánosi reviewed The Origin of Species in the Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review) a half year after it first appeared in English. Darwin's principal works were first published in Hungarian translation by the Royal Hungarian Natural Science Society (Királyi Magyar Természettudományi Társulat). The Origin of Species, translated by László Dapsy, was published in 1873"" The present work in 1884 and a few years later, in 1897, the latter work was translated anew and published by László Seress. ""It is characteristic of the enlightened spirit of the country in this period that Darwin received academic recognition earlier in Hungary than in England. Although Cambridge did not honor Darwin until 1879, he was elected an honorary member of The Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1872, the same year on this occasion the renowned Hungarian zoologist Tivadar Margó visited him at Down.Historical circumstances played a major role in this quick appearance of Darwinism and its popularity in Hungary. The failure of the 1848-49 revolution and war of independence seemingly put an end to progressive political discourse, signaling an ideological crisis among the intelligentsia. In this context, the natural sciences with their 'eternal truths' promised a way out, inasmuch as science's promised objectivity might well serve as a politically neutral expression of progressive values"" (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).""Darwin wrote, in the preface to the second edition, of 'the fiery ordeal through which this book has passed'. He had avoided the logical outcome of the general theory of evolution, bringing man into the scheme, for twelve years, and in fact it had, by that time, been so much accepted that the clamour of the opposition was not strident. He had also been preceded in 1863 by Huxley's Man's place in nature. The book, in its first edition, contains two parts, the descent of man itself, and selection in relation to sex. The word 'evolution' occurs, for the first time in any of Darwin's works, on page 2 of the first volume of the first edition, that is to say before its appearance in the sixth edition of The origin of species in the following year."" (Freeman).Freeman no. 1084.‎