‎Cecil Beaton ‎
‎Japanese ‎

‎Jinsoron (i.e. Japanese ""On the Ancestor(s) of Man"", Translated by Kozu Senzaburo, original title: ""Descent of Man""). 3 vols. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN INTO JAPANESE]‎

‎Tokyo, Ichibe Yamanaka., Meiji 14. (1881). 8vo. 3 volumes, all in the contemporary (original?) yellow wrappers (Traditional Fukuro Toji binding/wrappers). Extremities with wear and with light soiling, promarily affecting vol. 1. Title in brush and ink to text-block foot. A few ex-ownership stamps. Folding plate with repair. A fine set. 46 ff" 70 ff. + 9 plates of which 1 is folded" 72 ff. ""Vol. I contains prefaces to 1st and 2d editions of Descent of man Nos 936 & 944"" vol. II contains chapter 1 and vol. III chapter 2. All published, intended to form 9 vols containing chapters 1-7 and 21."" (Darwin-Online).‎

‎The exceedingly rare first translation of Darwin's Descent of Man and the first (partial) translation of Origin of Species, constituting the very first translation of any of Darwin's work into Japanese and, arguably, being the most influential - albeit in a different way than could be expected - of all Darwin-translations. ""The first translation of a book by Darwin was published in 1881: a translation of The Descent of Man, titled as Jinsoron (On the Ancestor(s) of Man"" Darwin 1881). The translator was a scholar of education, Kozu Senzaburo (...). In spite of its title, the book was actually a hybrid, which included a mixture of chapters of the Descent (namely, chapters 1-7 and 21) together with other texts: the Historical Sketch that Darwin appended to the third edition of the Origin (1861), and some sections taken from Thomas Huxley's Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature (Kaneko 2000). So this book can also be described as the first publication including a partial translation of a text from the Origin"" (Taizo, Translating ""natural selection"" in Japanese: from ""shizen tota"" to ""shizen sentaku"", and back?)Darwin's theories had a profound influence on Japan and Japanese culture but in a slightly different way than in the West: Darwinism was marked as social and political principles primarily embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. ""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII)Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 1099c‎

‎Shu no Kigen: Seizon Kyoso Tekisha Seizon no Genri (i.e. English: ""Origin of Species""]. - [THE MOST INFLUENTIAL JAPANESE TRANSLATION OF 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES']‎

‎Tokyo, Tokyo Kaiseikan, Meiji 38 [1905]. 8vo. In the original full bloth cloth with gilt letteing (in both Japanese and Latin characters). Light occassional brownspotting, otherwise a fine copy. 4, 894, 28, 12 pp. + frontispiece and folded plate with genealogical tree.‎

‎Rare second translation, and arguably the most important, of the Japanese translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"" (the first being from 1896 and only published once). This is the first translation to be made by a professional biologist. The previous translation (""Seibutsu Shigen"") was made by a law student which presumably was a contributing factor to the fact that the work primarily was embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. With the present translation Darwin's ideas and theories were finally properly introduced to the people they were intended for: biologist and zoologist. The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII).""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 719‎

‎A series of four books. Japanese Poetry. Japanese Theatre. Japanese Zuihitsu. T‎

‎A series of four books. Japanese Poetry. Japanese Theatre. Japanese Zuihitsu. The World in Japanese. In Russian /Seriya iz chetyrekh knig. Yaponskaya poeziya. Yaponskiy teatr. Yaponskie dzuykhitsu. Mir po-yaponski. Series: The Gold Fund of Japanese Literature. St. Petersburg Northwest. 1998, 1999, 2000. 2,616 (664 and 752 and 632 and 568) pages, or in four books: 1) Japanese Poetry Japanese Theater Japanese Zuihitsu World in Japanese. We have thousands of titles and often several copies of each title may be available. Please feel free to contact us for a detailed description of the copies available. SKUalb7bfaf551698d8736.‎

‎A series of 14 books. Akutagawa Ryunuske. Japanese Samurai Tales. Japanese Medi‎

‎A series of 14 books. Akutagawa Ryunuske. Japanese Samurai Tales. Japanese Medieval Diaries. Magic Japan. Mystic Japan, etc. In Russian /Seriya iz 14 knig. Akutagava Ryunoske. Yaponskie samurayskie skazaniya. Yaponskie srednevekovye dnevniki. Volshebnaya Yaponiya. Misticheskaya Yaponiya i dr. Series: The Gold Series of Japanese Literature. St. Petersburg Northwest Press. 2001, 2002, 2003 7000 and p. 1) Japanese Medieval Diaries (2001) 2) Magic Japan (2001) 3) Japanese Samurai Tales (2002) 4) Ihara Saikaku. Stories from All Provinces (2002) 5) Junichiro Tanizaki. Snow Landscape (2003) 6) Rampo. Werewolf Games (2003) 7) Seite Matsumoto. Desert Land (2003) 8) Japanese Psychological Novel (2003) 9) Kaiko Takeshi. Bitter Hangover (2003) 10) Shiugoro Yamoto. Hair Crab (2003) 11) Old Japanese Tales (2003) 13) Junichiro Tanizaki. We have thousands of titles and often several copies of each title may be available. Please feel free to contact us for a detailed description of the copies available. SKUalbc04de4b6860ac85f.‎

‎[CATHECHISME JAPONAIS d'époque Meiji (1868-1912)].[JAPANESE CATECHISM OF THE MEIJI PERIOD (1868-1912)].‎

‎[Japon, Circa 1870] 1870 1 vol. in 8 (240 x 180 mm) de : [75] ff. (dont titre). Annotations en français à l'encre sur la page de titre : "Souvenir de reconnaissance à Mr le baron de Cartier d'Yves - Bernard Petitjean ev. v. ap. du Japon - le 20 août 1870 - Catéchisme japonais". (rousseurs) Demi toile bleue à coins, plats recouverts de papier marbré, dos lisse titré et orné, gardes de papier marbré.‎

‎Fascinant cours de catéchisme en japonais de lépoque Meiji (1868-1912) dû à Bernard Thaddée Petitjean (1829-1884), prêtre catholique et évêque français, missionnaire au Japon et le premier vicaire apostolique de ce pays. Pie IX nomme le Père Petitjean, évêque in partibus de Myriophyte et vicaire apostolique du Japon, le 11 mai 1866. En avril et en juin 1868, deux édits impériaux interdisent le christianisme. D'octobre 1869 à janvier 1870, 4 500 fidèles sont enlevés à Urakami et exilés aux îles Goto en bateau. Mgr Petitjean est renvoyé en France en juin 1868. Il participe aux travaux du concile Vatican I à Rome. Il s'adresse aux autorités japonaises et au représentant du gouvernement français, mais sans résultat, d'autant que le régime de Napoléon III a été renversé. La période de répression ne s'achève qu'en 1873. Il fait bâtir une église à Osaka en 1876 et ordonne les trois premiers prêtres japonais, le 31 décembre 1882. Il meurt à Nagasaki le 7 octobre 1884, il est enterré à l'église des Vingt-Six-Martyrs, au pied de l'autel. Le Japon tout entier comptait alors 30 230 chrétiens, deux évêques, cinquante-trois missionnaires européens (surtout français), trois prêtres japonais, deux séminaires avec soixante-dix-neuf élèves et soixante-cinq écoles avec 3 331 élèves. Exemplaire bien conservé de ce catéchisme japonais dû à un grand nom du christianisme au Japon. 1 vol. 8vo (240 x 180 mm) of: [75] ff. (including title). Annotations in French in ink on the title page: Souvenir of gratitude to Baron de Cartier d'Yves - Bernard Petitjean ev. v. ap. of Japan - August 20, 1870 - Japanese Catechism. (foxing). Blue half cloth with corners, covers covered with marbled paper, smooth spine with title and decoration, marbled paper endpapers. Fascinating catechism course in Japanese from the Meiji period (1868-1912) by Bernard Thaddée Petitjean (1829-1884), Catholic priest and French bishop, missionary to Japan and the first apostolic vicar of that country. Pius IX appointed Father Petitjean bishop in partibus of Myriophyte and apostolic vicar of Japan on May 11, 1866. In April and June 1868, two imperial edicts banned Christianity. From October 1869 to January 1870, 4,500 faithful were taken from Urakami and exiled to the Goto Islands by boat. Bishop Petitjean was sent back to France in June 1868. He participated in the work of the First Vatican Council in Rome. He appealed to the Japanese authorities and the representative of the French government, but to no avail, especially since the regime of Napoleon III had been overthrown. The period of repression did not end until 1873. He had a church built in Osaka in 1876 and ordained the first three Japanese priests on December 31, 1882. He died in Nagasaki on October 7, 1884, and was buried in the Church of the Twenty-Six Martyrs, at the foot of the altar. At that time, Japan had a total of 30,230 Christians, two bishops, fifty-three European missionaries (mostly French), three Japanese priests, two seminaries with seventy-nine students, and sixty-five schools with 3,331 students. A well-preserved copy of this Japanese catechism by a leading figure in Japanese Christianity.‎