‎Cecil Beaton ‎
‎Japanese ‎

‎SCHOLTEN JAPANESE ART. Exhibition Catalogue September 2000‎

‎ 2000 [New York, Scholten Japanese Art], 2000. Hardcover: 22.5 x 31 cm, 104 pp. Exhibion Catalogue with 90 pieces of japanese art, each color illustred. Index of Artists, Glossary and Bibliography. Original grey cloth, illustrated dust jacked. Fine copy. ‎

‎Jinsoron (i.e. Japanese ""On the Ancestor(s) of Man"", Translated by Kozu Senzaburo, original title: ""Descent of Man""). 3 vols. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN INTO JAPANESE]‎

‎Tokyo, Ichibe Yamanaka., Meiji 14. (1881). 8vo. 3 volumes, all in the contemporary (original?) yellow wrappers (Traditional Fukuro Toji binding/wrappers). Extremities with wear and with light soiling, promarily affecting vol. 1. Title in brush and ink to text-block foot. A few ex-ownership stamps. Folding plate with repair. A fine set. 46 ff" 70 ff. + 9 plates of which 1 is folded" 72 ff. ""Vol. I contains prefaces to 1st and 2d editions of Descent of man Nos 936 & 944"" vol. II contains chapter 1 and vol. III chapter 2. All published, intended to form 9 vols containing chapters 1-7 and 21."" (Darwin-Online).‎

‎The exceedingly rare first translation of Darwin's Descent of Man and the first (partial) translation of Origin of Species, constituting the very first translation of any of Darwin's work into Japanese and, arguably, being the most influential - albeit in a different way than could be expected - of all Darwin-translations. ""The first translation of a book by Darwin was published in 1881: a translation of The Descent of Man, titled as Jinsoron (On the Ancestor(s) of Man"" Darwin 1881). The translator was a scholar of education, Kozu Senzaburo (...). In spite of its title, the book was actually a hybrid, which included a mixture of chapters of the Descent (namely, chapters 1-7 and 21) together with other texts: the Historical Sketch that Darwin appended to the third edition of the Origin (1861), and some sections taken from Thomas Huxley's Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature (Kaneko 2000). So this book can also be described as the first publication including a partial translation of a text from the Origin"" (Taizo, Translating ""natural selection"" in Japanese: from ""shizen tota"" to ""shizen sentaku"", and back?)Darwin's theories had a profound influence on Japan and Japanese culture but in a slightly different way than in the West: Darwinism was marked as social and political principles primarily embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. ""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII)Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 1099c‎

‎Shu no Kigen: Seizon Kyoso Tekisha Seizon no Genri (i.e. English: ""Origin of Species""]. - [THE MOST INFLUENTIAL JAPANESE TRANSLATION OF 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES']‎

‎Tokyo, Tokyo Kaiseikan, Meiji 38 [1905]. 8vo. In the original full bloth cloth with gilt letteing (in both Japanese and Latin characters). Light occassional brownspotting, otherwise a fine copy. 4, 894, 28, 12 pp. + frontispiece and folded plate with genealogical tree.‎

‎Rare second translation, and arguably the most important, of the Japanese translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"" (the first being from 1896 and only published once). This is the first translation to be made by a professional biologist. The previous translation (""Seibutsu Shigen"") was made by a law student which presumably was a contributing factor to the fact that the work primarily was embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. With the present translation Darwin's ideas and theories were finally properly introduced to the people they were intended for: biologist and zoologist. The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII).""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 719‎

‎[JAPAN / YOKOHAMA - SHASHIN - Album laqué japonanais de 50 photographies colorisées à la main / Japanese lacquer album of 50 hand-coloured photographs]‎

‎S. L. N. D. [Japon, époque Meiji, circa 1880]. 1880 1 vol in-8 oblong ( 150 x 193 mm.) comportant 50 tirages albuminés colorisés à la main (90 x 138 mm) contrecollés sur feuilles de carton montées en acordéon. (rousseurs dans les marges, photos en bel état). Reliure orientale en accordéon, plats de bois laqué rouge ornés de peintures figurant sur le premier plat une scène de vie dans un paysage avec deux personnages aux visages en os sculpté, et des fleurs pour le second.‎

‎Superbe petit album japonais « Yokohama-shashin » contenant cinquante tirages albuminées mis en couleur à la main représentant des vues des habitants, des villes et des paysages du japon au début de lère Meiji. Ce type d'album souvenir apparaît au Japon dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. C'est sous l'ère Meiji (1868-1912) que le pays s'ouvre à l'Occident. Beaucoup détrangers viennent au Japon et les Japonais peuvent voyager au sein du Japon sans enfreindre les lois. Yokohama est alors un endroit privilégié pour rencontrer à la fois des étrangers et des Japonais et les « Yokohama-shashin » ont un grand succès auprès des voyageurs. Leurs deux principales caractéristiques sont : des photographies réunies dans un album bien décoré, et des photographies coloriées à la main. Les artistes japonais, reconnus pour leur maîtrise de l'estampe, souvent coloriée à la main, découvrent alors la perspective occidentale. Le genre de l'ukiyo-e, littéralement « image du monde flottant » ou « image du temps qui passe » - ou nishiki-e lorsque ces images sont coloriées , qui règne en maître du XVIIe au XIXe siècle, est alors détrôné par la photographie. Les premières représentations photographiques du Japon sont réalisées par des Occidentaux, dont Felice Beato qui s'installe à Yokohama en 1863, suivi peu après par le baron Raimund von Stillfried et Adolfo Farsari. Le peintre Charles Wirgman (1832-1891) est sans doute le premier à tenter d'apposer des rehauts de couleurs sur les photographies de Felice Beato. Le succès de ces images peintes amène les coloristes japonais à travailler directement dans les ateliers de photographie et rapidement, les Japonais, élèves de ces maîtres, reprennent à leur tour cette technique et ouvrent de nouveaux studios. Le plus célèbre et talentueux d'entre eux est Kusakabe Kimbei, disciple de Felice Beato dès l'âge de quinze ans. Ces derniers s'inspirent fortement d'une mise en scène traditionnelle issue de l'estampe : représentations de la vie quotidienne (cérémonie du thé, jeunes filles s'adonnant à la musique, dansant ou jouant aux cartes, scènes de repas, nourrice avec un bébé, jeunes femmes sur un pousse-pousse, etc. portraits de geishas, de vieillards, de prêtres shintos et bouddhistes, de samouraïs, combats de sumos, photographiés le plus souvent dans un intérieur de studio. On y trouve également des vues dextérieurs : paysans travaillant dans les rizières au coucher du soleil, jeunes geishas se promenant dans des jardins fleuris ou posant sous des treilles de glycines en fleurs, vues panoramiques du mont Fuji dans la brume... Mais vers la fin du xixe siècle, les cartes postales illustrées, qui sont beaucoup moins chères que les « Yokohama-shashin », deviennent très populaires et sont largement utilisées et de nombreux photographes amateurs émergent qui préfèrent prendre des photos eux-mêmes plutôt que d'acheter d'onéreux « Yokohama-shashin », doù leur rapide déclin. Dans notre exemplaire, comme traditionnellement, les photos sont contrecollées au recto-verso de cartons forts reliés bout à bout et repliés. Les 25 du recto sont en partie légendées en anglais : « Templa at Nikko, Tee Garden, To pile up and out Tee, Fuji from Otometoge, Fujiya Miyanoshita, OHato Nagasaki, Osaka Sumeyosi, Takaboko (Papenberg) Nagasaki, Nagasaki ». Celles du verso sont consacrées aux habitantes du pays : portraits, scènes de vie, de jardin, de maison, cérémonie du thé Il est paré de sa jolie reliure dorigine aux plats de bois laqué rouge ornés de peintures figurant sur le premier plat une scène de vie dans un paysage avec deux personnages aux visages en os sculpté et dun décor floral pour le second. Bel exemple de cet éphémère art traditionnel japonais. 1 vol. 8vo oblong (150 x 193 mm.) with 50 hand-colored albumin prints (90 x 138 mm) mounted on cardboard sheets (foxing in the margins, photos in good condition). Oriental accordion binding, red lacquered wooden boards decorated with paintings depicting on the first board a scene of life in a landscape with two figures with carved bone faces, and flowers for the second. Beautiful small Japanese album "Yokohama-shashin" containing fifty hand-colored albumin prints depicting views of the people, cities and landscapes of Japan in the early Meiji era. This type of souvenir album appeared in Japan in the second half of the 19th century. It is during the Meiji era (1868-1912) that the country opens to the West. Many foreigners came to Japan and Japanese could travel within Japan without breaking the laws. Yokohama is then a privileged place to meet both foreigners and Japanese and the "Yokohama-shashin" have a great success with travelers. Their two main characteristics are: photographs gathered in a well-decorated album, and hand-colored photographs. Japanese artists, known for their mastery of the print, often hand colored, discovered the western perspective. The genre of ukiyo-e, literally "image of the floating world" or "image of passing time" - or nishiki-e when these images are colored -, which reigned supreme from the 17th to the 19th century, was then dethroned by photography. The first photographic representations of Japan were made by Westerners, including Felice Beato who settled in Yokohama in 1863, followed shortly after by Baron Raimund von Stillfried and Adolfo Farsari. The painter Charles Wirgman (1832-1891) was undoubtedly the first to attempt to apply color highlights to Felice Beato's photographs. The success of these painted images led the Japanese colorists to work directly in the photographic studios and quickly, the Japanese, students of these masters, took over this technique and opened new studios. The most famous and talented of them is Kusakabe Kimbei, a disciple of Felice Beato from the age of fifteen. The latter were strongly inspired by a traditional setting from the print: representations of daily life (tea ceremony, young girls playing music, dancing or playing cards, meal scenes, nurse with a baby, young women on a rickshaw, etc.), portraits of geishas, old men, Shinto and Buddhist priests, samurai, sumo wrestling, photographed most often in a studio interior. There are also outdoor views: peasants working in rice fields at sunset, young geishas walking in flower gardens or posing under wisteria vines in bloom, panoramic views of Mount Fuji in the mist... But towards the end of the 19th century, illustrated postcards, which are much cheaper than "Yokohama-shashin", become very popular and are widely used and many amateur photographers emerge who prefer to take pictures themselves rather than buying expensive "Yokohama-shashin", hence their rapid decline. In our copy, as traditionally, the photos are laminated on the front and back of strong cardboards bound end to end and folded. The 25 on the front are partly captioned in English: "Templa at Nikko, Tee Garden, To pile up and out Tee, Fuji from Otometoge, Fujiya Miyanoshita, O'Hato Nagasaki, Osaka Sumeyosi, Takaboko (Papenberg) Nagasaki, Nagasaki". Those on the back are dedicated to the country's inhabitants: portraits, scenes of life, garden, house, tea ceremony... It is adorned with its beautiful original binding with red lacquered wooden boards decorated with paintings showing on the first board a scene of life in a landscape with two characters with faces in carved bone and a floral decoration for the second. Nice example of this traditional Japanese art.‎

‎Japanese Art in World Perspective: A Translation Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art (The Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art, V. 25) (English and Japanese Edition)‎

‎New York - Tokyo 1976 Weatherhill Hardcover 1st Edition ‎

‎Japanese Art in World Perspective: A Translation Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art (The Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art, V. 25) (English and Japanese Edition) 235 x 185 mm, Hardcover, publisher's tape, dust wrapper 164 pg, fine condition‎