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5 book(s) with the same title
De Rerum Natura iuxta propria principia, Liber Primus, & Secundus, denuò editi. - [THE MANIFESTO OF NATURAL PHILOSOPHY - DEFINING ""SPACE"" FOR THE FIRST TIME PROPER]
Napoli, Apud Iosephum Cacchium, 1570. 4to. Contemporary limp vellum with handwritten title to spine. Remains of old paper-labels to top and bottom of spine. Spine with loss of ab. 3x2 cm. of vellum to middle, not affecting the book block, which is sound and fine underneath. Some soiling to binding, but all in all fine and unrestored, albeit a bit loose. Some brownspotting to title-page (not heavy), otherwise just a bit of scattered brownspotting. All in all internally very nice and clean, and with good, wide margins. Old owner's name (Juliani Riccii) to front free end-paper and title-page, which also has his inventory number in neat hand: ""no/ 634""). Telesio's woodcut title-device (a beatiful naked woman, all alone, far from the troubles of the world, illuminated by the sun, surrounded by a border carrying the saying in Greek: ""mona moi fila"" - presumably depicting the goddess of Truth), and numerous lovely, illustrated woodcut initials throughout. 95 ff.
The rare and important first edition thus, being the much enlarged (by treatises on specific questions of natural philosophy) and revised second edition and the first edition under the canonical title ""De Rerum Natura"" (clearly referring to Lucretius's great work), of Telesio's revolutionizing main work, which established a new kind of natural philosophy and earned him the reputation as ""the first of the moderns"" (Francis Bacon). The work is a manifesto for natural philosophy emancipated from peripatetic rationalism, expressed clearly in the subtitle to the first book of the work: ""the structure of the world and the nature and magnitude of bodies contained in itare not to be sought from reason, as the ancients did"" they must be perceived from sensation and treated as being things themselves."" (translation of the Latin of the present work, p. 2). ""Taken as a whole, the book is a frontal assault on the foundations of Peripatetic philosophy accompanied by a proposal for replacing Aristotelianism with a system more faithful to nature and experience."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt, p. 311). Telesio's ""De Rerum Natuna"" constitutes one of the first serious attempts to replace Aristotle's natural philosophy, and his seminal, novel theory of space and time anticipates Newton's absolute time and absolute space. It furthermore even seems that it is in the present work that the word ""space"" (""spatium"") is used for the first time to determine what we now mean by space - thus Telesio has here created an entirely new terminology for one of the single most important phenomenons within physics, astronomy, philosophy, etc., giving to it a terminological precision that is unprecedented and which has influenced the entire history of science and philosophy. ""[i]n some of his characteristoc theories, Telesio appears as a direct or indirect forerunner of Newton and Locke."" (Kristeller, Eight Philosophers, p. 107). ""Bernardino Telesio (1509-1588) belongs to a group of independent philosophers of the late Renaissance who left the universities in order to develop philosophical and scientific ideas beyond the restrictions of the Aristotelian-scholastic tradition. Authors in the early modern period referred to these philosophers as 'novateurs' and'modern'. In contrast to his successors Patrizzi and Campanella, Telesio was a fervent critic of metaphysics and insisted on a purely empiricist approach in natural philosophy-he thus became a forerunner of early modern empiricism. He had a remarkable influence on Tommaso Campanella, Giordano Bruno, Pierre Gassendi, Francis Bacon, Thomas Hobbes and authors of the clandestine Enlightenment like Guillaume Lamy and Giulio Cesare Vanini."" (SEP).Telesio was born in Cosenza ""and in a sense he opens the long line of philosophers through which the South of Italy has asserted its Greek heritage, a line that links him with Bruno and Campanella, with Vico in the eighteenth century, and with Croce and Gentile in our own time."" (Kristeller, Eight Philosophers, p. 97). He was educated by his uncle, the humanist Antonio Telesio, in Milan and Rome, and he studied philosophy and mathematics at the university of Padua, where he got his doctorate in 1535. He had a great respect for the famous Aristotelian Vicenzo Maggi, with whom he discussed his magnum opus, obtaining his approval before publishing the seminal second version of it in 1570. He was closely connected not only with Maggi, but also with the other leaders of the most intelligent and official Aristotelianism of his age. But Telesio opposes the Aristotelianism of both his own and earlier times, claiming that they all erected arbitrary systems that consisted of a strange mixture of reason and experience. They created their systems without consulting nature, and thus they merely obtained arbitrary ideas of the world. What separates Telesio and his contemporaries from the great Renaissance thinkers that had gone ahead is not merely the passing of a few decades, but the emergence of a completely different intellectual atmosphere. ""The tradition of medieval thought, which was still felt very strongly in the fifteenth century and even at the beginning of the sixteenth, began to recede into the more distant background, and it was now the tbroad thought and learning of the early Renaissance itself which constituted the tradition by which the new generations of thinkers were shaped, and against which their immediate reactions were directed."" (Kristeller, Eight Philosophers, p. 91). Telesio belongs to a group of thinkers that we call the Renaissance philosophers of nature. They are considered a group by themselves, different from the humanists, Platonists, and Aristotelians that we usually group other Renaissance thinkers into. What distinguished these philosophers of nature, however, was not a different subject matter from that of the Aristotelians and the Platonists (of both contemporary and earlier times), but their clear claim to explore the principles of nature in an original and independent way, tearing themselves loose of an established tradition and authority that kept them in binds. They formulated novel theories andfreed themselves from the ancient philosophical authorities, especially Aristotle, who had dominated philosophical speculation, not least natural philosophy, for centuries. Telesio, of course, did not stand alone in this group of bold, original thinkers that we call the Renaissance philosophers of nature, and whose quest it was to make new discoveries and to attain knowledge unaccessible to the ancients, it also included for instance Fracastoro, Cardano, Paracelsus, and Bruno. But Telesio in particular protrudes, as his thought is distinguished by such clarity and coherence, and his ideas anticipate important aspects of later philosophy and science. His magnum opus, the extremely influential ""De Rerum Natura"", is that which by far best expresses his novel thoughts and that which most profoundly influenced the thought, philosophy, and science of the cnturies to come. ""[b]y 1547 his ideas seem to have been in public circulation, and within a few years he was at work on his first treatise ""On the Nature of Things According to Their Own Principles"", one of the more incisisve titles in Renaissance philosophy and a clear allusion to Lucretius. [...] Pressed by his followers, he published the original two book version of ""De rerum natura"" [the title of this being ""De Natura iuxta propria principia liber""] in 1563 [recte: 1565], having previously testing the soundness of his arguments in conversations with Vincenzo Maggi, a noted Paduan Peripatetic. Another edition followed in 1570" in 1575 Antonio Persio gave public lectures on the Telesian system in Venice, Padua, Bologna, and the south" and in 1586 appeared the definitive expansion to nine books. The author died two years later in Cosenza."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt, p. 310). In the preface to the work, Telesio rejects Aristotle's doctrine as being in conflict with the senses, with itself, and with the Scriptures, and he claims that his own doctrine is free from these defects. As we have seen above, in the introduction, or sub-title to the first book, he furthermore insists that unlike his predecessors, he has followed nothing but sense perception and nature. He then proceeds to expound the principles of his natural philosophy, positing heat and cold as the two active principles of all things, and matter as a third, passive, principle. Having developed and applied these principles, he concludes the first work with a very interesting treatment of space and time. After having set forth his own position, he examines and refutes the views of earlier philosophers, expecially those of Aristotle, whom he considers superior to all others. ""So far as Telesio's relation to Aristotle is concerned, we must admit that he shows considerable independence, both in his own theories and in his detailed criticism of Aristotle's views, and this independence is more valuable since it is based not on ignorance, but on a thorough knowledge of the Aristotelian writings, and is accompanied by a genuine respect for the relative merits of Aristotelianism."" (Eight Philosophers, pp. 101-2). The only sources apart from Aristotle that Telesio quotes at length are medical, i.e. Hippocrates and Galen, from which he got his notions of human physioglogy. He does, however, draw upon other sources, borrowing notions, though not quotiong them (e.g. Fracastoco, the Epicureans, the Stoics, the Neoplatonists, Ficino). ""These apparent borrowings from various sources should certainly not be overlooked, but one's final impression is that in transforming and combining these ideas, and in formulating some important new ones, Telesio was remarkably original. In his cosmology, the role assigned to heat, cold, and matter is chiefly of historical interest, since it is one of the first serious attempts to replace Aristotle's natual philosophy. We may give him credit, too, for apparently doing away with the sharp disinction between celestial and terrestrial phenomena, which was one of the chief weaknesses of the Aristotelian system. Of greater significance are his theories of the void, and of space and time. His assertion of an empty space was in a sense a return to the position of the ancient atomoists, which Aristotle had tried to refute"" this position must have been known to Telesio, from Lucretius and also from Aristotle himself, but the evidence on which he based himself was partly new and, so to speak, experimental.Still more important is his theory of space and time. Whereas Aristotle had defined time as the number or measure of motion, thus making it dependent on motion, Telesio regards time as independent of, and prior to, motion, like an empty spectacle. He thus moves a long step away from Aristotle in the direction of Newton's absolute time. In the case of space, the change in conception is even more interesting. The Greek term ""Topos"", which we often translate as space has the primary meaning of place, and Aristotle's theory that the ""topos"" of the contained body is the limit or border of its containing body makes much better sense when we translate ""topos"" as place rather than space. Telesio seems to be aware of this ambiguity, for he uses not only the term ""locus"", which had been the standard Latin translation of Aristotle's ""topos"", but also ""spatium"", which is much more appropriate for his notion of an empty space in which all bodies are contained. Thus he again moves away from Aristotle in the direction of Newton's absolute space"" but, more than this, I am tempted to believe that it was Telesio himself who gave terminological precision to the word ""spatium"" (space) and substituted it for ""locus"", a usage for which I do not know any earlier clear instances"". (Kristeller, Eight Philosophers, pp. 103-4).Telesio's theories and entire world-view proved to be extremely influential, and his is considered a forerunner - directly as well as indirectly - of not only Newton and Locke, but also Descartes and Bacon, and a strong direct influence on Bruno, Campanella, and Patrizi. ""Telesio dedicated his whole life to establishing a new kind of natural philosophy, which can be described as an early defense of empiricism bound together with a rigorous criticism of Aristotelian natural philosophy and Galenic physiology. Telesio blamed both Aristotle and Galen for relying on elaborate reasoning rather than sense perception and empirical research. His fervent attacks against the greatest authorities of the Western philosophical and medical traditions led Francis Bacon to speak of him as ""the first of the moderns"" (Opera omnia vol. III, 1963, p. 114). He was perhaps the most strident critic of metaphysics in late Renaissance times. It was obviously due to his excellent relationships with popes and clerics that he was not persecuted and was able during his own lifetime to publish his rather heterodox writings, which went on the index shortly after his death."" (SEP)""Giordano Bruno speaks of the ""giudiciosissimo Telesio"" in the third dialog of ""De la causa"", whilst Francis Bacon based his own speculative philosophy of nature on a blend of Telesian and Paracelsian conceptions (Giachetti Assenza 1980" Rees 1977 1984). Thomas Hobbes followed Telesio in the rejection of species (Schuhmann 1990" Leijenhorst 1998, p. 116ff.) The physiology of René Descartes in ""De homine"" shows close similarities to Telesio's physiological theories as they are presented in ""De natura rerum"" (Hatfield 1992). Telesio also had some influence on Gassendi and on libertine thinkers (Bianchi 1992)."" (SEP)""His sense of empirical science, which included progressive ideas on space, vacuum, and other physical topics, grew out of a disenchanted world-view remarkable for its hard-headed clarity."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt, p. 314). Adams: T:292"" Thorndyke: VI:370-71.Paul Oskar Kristeller: ""Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renaissance"", 1964"" ""Renaissance Thought and its Sources"", 1979.Eugenio Garin: ""Italian Humanism. Philosophy and Civic Life in the Renaissance, 1965Copenhaver & Schimtt: ""Renaissance Philosophy"", 1992. Ernst Cassirer: ""Individuum und Kosmos in der Philosophie der renaissance"", 1927.D.S.B. XIII:277-80. (""Telesio also introduced concepts of space and time that anticipated the absolute space and time of Newtonian physics"").
LA BIENNALE DI VENEZIA 1978, DALLA NATURA ALL'ARTE, DALL'ARTE ALLA NATURA, CATALOGO GENERALE
La Biennale di Venezia. 1978. In-8. Broché. Bon état, Couv. légèrement pliée, Dos plié, Intérieur frais. 254 pages. Illustré de nombreuses photos en noir et blanc et en couleur, dans et hors texte. Texte sur plusieurs colonnes. Annotations en page de titre (ex-libris). Accompagné de nombreux documents sur le même sujet.. . . A l'italienne. Classification Dewey : 450-Italien, roumain, rhéto-romain
Sei stazioni per artenatura, La natura dell'arte. Dalla natura all'arte, dall'arte alla natura (Austria - Venezuela). L'immagine provocata. Arte e cinema. Gruppo feminista 'Immagine'... Classification Dewey : 450-Italien, roumain, rhéto-romain
Lucrèce (en latin Titus Lucretius Carus) - Poète & philosophe latin du Ier siècle av. J.-C., (peut-être 98-55), auteur d'un seul livre inachevé, le De rerum natura (De la nature des choses, quon traduit le plus souvent par De la nature), un long poème passionné qui décrit le monde selon les principes d'Épicure.Cest essentiellement grâce à lui que nous connaissons l'une des plus importantes écoles philosophiques de l'Antiquité, l'épicurisme, car des ouvrages dÉpicure, qui fut beaucoup lu et célébré dans toute lAntiquité tardive, il ne reste pratiquement rien, sauf trois lettres et quelques sentences.Si Lucrèce expose fidèlement la doctrine de son maître, il met à la défendre une âpreté nouvelle, une sombre ardeur. « On entend dans son vers les spectres qui s'appellent» dit Hugo. Son tempérament angoissé et passionné est presque à lopposé de celui du philosophe grec. Et il vit une époque troublée par les guerres civiles et les proscriptions (massacres de Marius, proscriptions de Sylla, révolte de Spartacus, conjuration de Catilina). De là, les pages sombres du De rerum natura sur la mort, le dégoût de la vie, la peste dAthènes, de là aussi sa passion anti-religieuse qui sen prend avec acharnement aux dieux, aux cultes et aux prêtres, passion que lon ne retrouve pas dans les textes conservés dÉpicure, même si celui-ci critique la superstition et même la religion populaire. Contre les positions du monde clérical, il propose de se soustraire aux craintes induites par la sphère religieuse, à laquelle il oppose la dimension rationnelle. Ainsi, il explique de façon matérielle les objets et le vivant, qui prennent forme via des combinaisons d'atomes. Surtout Lucrèce unit à la science épicurienne, souvent difficile, la douceur et la dimension visionnaire de la poésie.( Wikipédia)
Reference : 28095
T. Lucreti Cari De rerum natura libros sex, interpretatione et notis illustravit Thomas Crech, collegii omnium Animarum socius - Edition Altera, priori multo Emendatior
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Homo, Natura, Mundus: Human Beings and Their Relationships. Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of the Soci t Internationale pour l' tude de la Philosophie M di vale
, Brepols, 2021 Hardback, xlv + 979 pages, Size:156 x 234 mm, Illustrations:1 b/w, 1 col., 2 tables b/w., Language(s):English, German, Spanish. ISBN 9782503592633.
Summary The present volumes contain a number of studies first presented at the XIV International Congress of the Soci t Internationale pour l' tude de la Philosophie M di vale, July 24-28, 2017, Porto Alegre, Brazil - which happened to be the first SIEPM Congress in Latin America and the first in the Southern Hemisphere. In 65 essays on current research questions in Latin, Jewish, and Arabic Philosophy, and Early Modern Scholasticism, the contributors explore the general theme of "Homo - Natura - Mundus: Human Beings and their Relationships," and lead us to new perspectives. These essays relate to the following areas of interest: the human being's self-understanding as a rational creature in multiple relationships (with God, the other, the community, the fellow and the different); the human being's place in the natural world and the possibility of relating to nature through knowledge; medieval philosophical traditions and the challenges introduced by the "discovery" of the "New World" (dominium, war, hierarchies, and new areas of concern with respect to justice, the human good, and the law). Thus, these volumes offer a unique sample of scholarly studies that work with the idea of "relationships" in two distinct, but not opposing, directions. Firstly, they explore the ways in which human beings, according to the reach of their soul's powers, construct their self-understanding and existence in relation to God, themselves, others and the natural world. Secondly, they explore the ways in which the philosophical bases for the understanding of these relationships were challenged by the transportation of medieval ideas to the "New World" and by the reception of these ideas in early modern times. TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface by Prof. Dr. Loris Sturlese, Former President of the SIEPM Preface by the Editors Acknowledgments Introduction Part I - Plenary Sessions (1) The Scientific View, Andreas Speer (2) Plants, Animals and Human Beings in the Aristotelian Science of the Soul: Some Medieval Views, Silvia Donati (3) How Human Beings Grasp Nature - John Buridan on Knowing Substances, Rodrigo Guerizoli (4) The Human Being and Its Dignity - Three Medieval Models, Fiorella Retucci (5) Human Relationships and Human Attitudes in the Medieval Universities, Olga Weijers (6) The Noble Vita activa: The Philosopher's Relation to the Many, Steven Harvey (7) Las relaciones de poder en la teor a pol tica isl mica, Rafael Ram n Guerrero (8) From Salamanca to Mexico: On Justifying Empire, Joerg Alejandro Tellkamp Part II - Ordinary and Special Sessions 1. The Human Being as a Creature and the Knowledge of God (9) Deconstructing the Substantialist Conception of God: Recasting Heidegger's Critique of Augustine, Nythamar de Oliveira (10) A condi o paradoxal da natureza humana deca da frente ao mundo criado em Santo Agostinho, Matheus Jeske Vahl (11) A antropologia de Anselmo de Aosta: fundamenta o teol gica e desdobramentos filos ficos, Manoel Vasconcellos (12) Gerard of Bologna and the Debate on the Epistemological Status of Revealed Theology, David Pich (13) Marta y Mar a: la singular ex gesis eckhartiana en torno a la correlaci n de vida activa y contemplativa, Silvana Filippi 2. Human Beings and the Powers of the Soul (14) Fundamentos de la adquisici n cognitiva en al-F?r?b?: Una lectura sobre las cogniciones primarias desde la discusi n teol gica, Nicol s Moreira Alaniz (15) Intellect and Internal Senses in Avicenna's Kit?b al-Nafs V, Meline Costa Sousa (16) Free Will in Ibn B?jja's Physics, Said El Bousklaoui (17) Ab lard et la notion aristot licienne d'habitude, Guy Hamelin (18) Manifestation et exp rience : la m taphysique de la vision et de la perception sensorielle de Suhraward? selon sa Philosophie de l'illumination (?ikmat al-i?r?q), Mateus Domingues da Silva (19) Mittelalterliche Anthropologie im Umbruch: Das Lehrst ck von den vires motivae animae rationalis des Albertus Magnus, Henryk Anzulewicz (20) Albert the Great's Ethical Commentaries and al-Farabi's De intellectu, Tracy Wietecha (21) Petrus Hispanus' Discussion of the Soul as Harmony, Jos F. P. Meirinhos (22) Homo - mundus, la relaci n cognoscitiva entre el hombre y el mundo en Tom s de Aquino: representaci n vs. informaci n, Emiliano Javier Cuccia (23) Reasons for Willing - John Duns Scotus' Critical Assessment of Aristotle's Notion of Rational and Non-Rational Powers, Gloria Silvana El as (24) A teoria dos h bitos de Ockham: considera es preliminares, Laiza Rodrigues de Souza, 3. The Senses, the Imagination, and the Arts (25) Arenques frescos ou o meu ltimo desejo, Carlos Arthur Ribeiro do Nascimento (26) L lio e as virtudes dos cavaleiros nos esmaltes her ldicos do Armorial Equestre Toison d'or, Diego Apellaniz Borba (27) Im genes en Ramon Llull: intento de categorizaci n, Nicol s Mart nez Bejarano (28) Literature and Philosophy in the Monastic Context of 14th Century Florence, Myrtha de Meo-Ehlert (29) Ideias filos ficas na arte barroca do Brasil Colonial, Idalgo J. Sangalli 4. Language and Communication (30) Aristotle, Augustine and Aquinas on the Nature of Signs, Mercedes Rubio (31) Wie l sst sich das Seiende durch die Sprache beschreiben? Eine Reflexion ber Dietrich von Freibergs Sprachtheorie, Tamar Tsopurashvili (32) Translatio linguarum and Popularisation of Philosophy in the Middle Ages, A Historical Witness on Popularisation of Philosophy, Loris Sturlese (33) Buridan et la virtus sermonis, Roberta Miquelanti 5. Human Beings in Relationships: Otherness, Difference, and Social Life (34) La ontolog a como fundamento de la pol tica en al-F?r?b?, Francisca Galil ia Silva (35) Nature humaine et les relations entre individus : travers l' p tre sur l'amour d'Avicenne (Ris?lh fy m?hy? ?l ??q), Aicha Lahdhiri (36) The Relationship between Jews and Non-Jews According to Judah Halevi, Daniel J. Lasker (37) Andr s el Capell n y la auctoritas femenina, Nicol s Mart nez S ez (38) Lullus and Arabic Thought, Josep Puig Montada (39) William of Ockham on Children, Vesa Hirvonen (40) Body and Rationality: The Philosophical Contribution of Christine de Pizan, Ana Rieger Schmidt 6. Slavery (41) "Hi sunt natura servi." Natural Inequality and Biology in Albert the Great's Politica, Alessandro Palazzo (42) Thomas d'Aquin et Vitoria : de l'acceptation l'abolition de l'esclavage des esclaves par nature d'Aristote, Emmanuel Bermon (43) A moral econ mica e o tr fico de escravos na escol stica ibero-americana: Tom s de Mercado e a Suma de tratos y contratos (1571), Alfredo S. Culleton (44) El derecho a la vida y la salvaci n en los subyugados: los derechos naturales de los esclavos africanos en Alonso de Sandoval, Manuel M ndez Alonzo (45) Freedom and Slavery in the Thought Antonio Vieira, Paulo Ricardo Martines (46) Two Attitudes Towards Slavery in Colonial Brazil, Alfredo Carlos Storck 7. Nature, World, and Reality (47) Philoponus against the Incorruptibility of Celestial Bodies, Matheus Henrique Gomes Monteiro (48) The Virtue of the Adulterous Woman: Ibn Gabirol on the Dignity of Matter, Cec lia Cavaleiro de Macedo (49) A distin o entre cont nuo e discreto em Alberto Magno. Uma an lise sobre o coment rio Physica V.3, Marco Aur lio Oliveira Silva (50) A Logic of Exchange? Disagreements between Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas, Katja Krause (51) El mundo en el Logos divino - Preexistencia inteligible y vital de las creaturas en Dios, Juan Jos Herrera (52) The Heuristic Role of the History of Philosophy and Science in Roger Bacon's Intellectual Project, Daniel Gonz lez-Garc a (53) The Weaker and Stronger Senses of Scotus's Formal Distinction, Guido J. Alt (54) Scotus, Durandus & nominales - Prescienza e natura dei demoni nell'Exercitium academicum circa praescientiam daemonum expendendam occupatum di Dietrich L ders, Riccardo Fedriga e Roberto Limonta (55) The Concept of Spiritus in Walter Burley's Parva naturalia Commentaries, Marek Gensler (56) Reception of the Works of Nicholas of Cusa in the Manuscripts from the Erfurt Charterhouse in the Fifteenth Century, Mikhail Khorkov (57) What Did Nicholas of Cusa Mean with His Conception of the Universe as Indefinite?, Jean-Michel Counet (58) Is There for Francisco Su rez a Real Final Cause in All Beings?, C sar Ribas Cezar (59) A F sica especial y curiosa de Francisco Javier Tr as e o Curso de Filosofia no Collegium Maragnonense, Luiz Fernando Medeiros Rodrigues 8. Normativity and Law (60) Natural Law and the Distinction between Conscience and Synderesis in Henry of Ghent, Gustavo Barreto Vilhena de Paiva (61) A rela o entre lei natural e justi a pol tica em Tom s de Aquino, Camila Ezidio (62) Transkulturelle Auslegungen des G ttlichen Rechts: Die Quellen von Meister Eckharts Dekalogauslegung, G rge K. Hasselhoff (63) Ius post bellum - Francisco de Vitoria e as condi es para a restaura o da paz, Renata Floriano de Sousa (64) "Obedezco pero no cumplo": A Study about Servibumbres personales de indios (1604) by Miguel de Agia, Lucas Duarte Silva (65) Diego de Avenda o's Probablistic Understanding of Right Conscience and Prudential Acts, Roberto Hofmeister Pich Index of Manuscripts Index of Ancient and Medieval Names Index of 'Second Scholastic' Authors Index of Modern and Contemporary Authors
Natura aut Voluntas. Recherches sur la pens e politique et thique hell nistique et romaine et son influence
, Brepols, 2021 Paperback, 394 pages, Size:156 x 234 mm, Language: French. ISBN 9782503589459.
Summary La formule cic ronienne natura aut voluntas associe tout en les opposant deux des contributions les plus originales de la philosophie hell nistique et romaine la pens e thique et politique occidentale. Ce livre, qui analyse diff rents aspects significatifs de cet apport, s'ach ve en voquant la mani re surprenante dont elles ont t r unies dans la th orie thique et politique influente de John Locke. Les six premiers chapitres examinent diff rents l ments fondamentaux de la th orie sto cienne de la natura et de la loi naturelle, en montrant que les Sto ciens ont inaugur une nouvelle conception de l' thique dans l'Antiquit gr co-romaine - une id e qui tait appel e culminer, en dernier ressort, avec la th orie de Kant. la diff rence des philosophes grecs ant rieurs, qui s' taient concentr s sur une conception de l'int r t personnel en relation avec la polis, les Sto ciens ont formul pour la premi re fois une th orie thique et politique fond e sur des principes moraux universels reposant sur des lois divines universelles. Les chapitres portant sur les picuriens discutent ensuite la mani re dont leur conception du plaisir et de la mort a forg une notion de voluntas fond e sur le choix rationnel entre diff rentes possibilit s alternatives, qui est aux origines de la notion moderne de libre arbitre la plus r pandue de nos jours. Les d veloppements des deux derniers chapitres du livre entendent montrer de quelle mani re ces conceptions originales de la natura et de la voluntas, issues de deux coles antagonistes de la philosophie antique, sont devenues des piliers fondamentaux de la pens e thique et politique des d buts de l' poque moderne. Ces racines sto ciennes et picuriennes ne sont donc pas seulement significatives en elles-m mes : l' cho qu'elle ont suscit a profond ment influenc les d veloppements ult rieurs de la pens e thique et politique. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Chapitre 1. La loi naturelle chez les Sto ciens Chapitre 2. Les Sto ciens et Thomas d'Aquin sur la vertu et la loi naturelle Chapitre 3. La raison, les r gles et le d veloppement moral chez S n que Chapitre 4. L'origine sto cienne des droits naturels Chapitre 5. La conception sto cienne de la propri t et de la politique Chapitre 6. Th orie politique sto cienne Chapitre 7. picure : libert , mort et h donisme Chapitre 8. L'amiti selon picure Chapitre 9. La libert , le plaisir et le terme de la vie. Montaigne et les picuriens Chapitre 10. Locke sur le plaisir, la loi et le libre arbitre Appendice 1. K?? ????? ?????? ???????????? : la vie nue du sage sto cien Appendice 2. Le libre arbitre est-il moderne ? Appendice 3. Les devoirs de Locke Bibliographie Index
