Write to the booksellers
RUSCHA EDWARD (né en 1937)
Me and The
2002 Tampa, FL: Graphicstudio, U.S.F., 2002, 133x182x56mm, 576 pages non paginées, tranches dorées, relié sous couverture toilé bleu nuit.Signé et numéroté au colophon 136/230 +21 AP. (104213)
Reference : 104213
Un "Livre sculptural" signé par Ruscha, les mots "Me" et "The" imprimés sur la gouttière du bloc de texte qui apparaissent lorsque l'on courbe les feuilles d'abord dans un sens puis dans l'autre. Une feuille d'information de l'éditeur et jointe. État neuf.
Bookseller's contact details
Librairie Chloé et Denis Ozanne Déesse sarl
M. Denis Ozanne
21 rue Monge
75005 Paris
France
+33 1 48 01 02 37
Payment mode
Sale conditions
Conforme aux usages de la librairie ancienne et moderne, tous les ouvrages présentés sont complets et en bon état, sauf indication contraire. L'exécution des commandes téléphonées est garantie mais sans règle absolue, la disponibilité des livres n'étant pas toujours vérifiable lors de l'appel. Les frais de port sont à la charge du destinataire. Les livres sont payables à la commande. Nous acceptons les règlements par chèque bancaire ou postal, mandat postal ou international, carte bancaire, Visa, Eurocard, MasterCard et virements bancaires dans certaines conditions.
5 book(s) with the same title
The two first books of Philostratus, concerning the life of Apollonius Tyaneus: written originally in Greek, and now published in English: together with philological notes upon each chapter. By Charles Blount, Gent.
London, Printed for Nathaniel Thompson, next dore to the Sign of the Cross-Keys in Fetter-Lane, 1680.
Folio. (VIII),243,(1 blank) p. Calf 32 cm (Ref: ESTC Citation No. R4123; Hoffmann 3,82; Ebert 16760 'Wurde verboten, weil man die Noten antichristlich fand'; Graesse 5,274) (Details: Back with 5 raised band. Blind tooled double fillet border on both boards. Title in red and black. Woodcut text illustration, which represents a diagram of the philosophic schools in antiquity) (Condition: Binding scuffed. Back rubbed. Joints weak, partly starting to split. Boards spotted. Paper browning and foxed. Endpapers worn and browning) (Note: Few books have over a long period of time aroused so much upheaval among Christians as this biography of the neopythagorean ascetic and wandering philosopher Apollonius of Tyana, written by the Greek sophist and rhetor Philostratus at the beginning of the 3rd century A.D. This is the first English translation of the first 2 books (of 8) of this Life of Apollinius of Tyana. The translation was speedily condemned and suppressed by the Church of England, because it was held to be a most dangerous attempt against the church. Only a few copies were sent abroad. Apollonius was born in the same year when Jesus Christ is supposed to be born. It is almost impossible to reveal Apollonius' true identity, or to decide wether this is a biography of a real or fictionalized hero, or just an Heliodoran romance or a romantic hagiography, or even a documentary romance. The question can be dealt from so many angles, that the Philostratean studies constitute a separate branch in the research of the culture of the Early Roman Empire. The problem is 'that Philostratus, as a man of letters and sophist full of passion for Greek romance and for the studies in rhetoric, was hardly interested in the historical Apollonius'. (Dzielska,M., 'Apollonius of Tyana in legend and history', Rome 1986, p. 14) A fact is that contemporary sources reveal next to nothing about Apollonius. Philostratus wrote the biography at the behest of the empress Julia Domna Augusta. 'To satisfy the empress's demand, who asked him (Philostratus) to narrate the life and achievements of Apollonius, he had to invent this figure as it were anew. Thus using his literary imagination, this moderately gifted writer turned a modest Cappadocian mystic into an impressive figure, full of life, politically outstanding, and yet also preposterous'. (Idem, p. 14) Nothing proves that the 'Vita Apollonii Tyanensis' was widely read in the 3rd century. It would probably not have survived, were it not for the gouvernor of Bithynia, Sossianus Hierocles, one of the inspirators of the persecution of the Christians in 301 A.D. in his province under the emperor Diocletian. At the beginning of the 4th century he published his 'Philaletes', a treatise against Christianity, in which he ridiculed the divine attributes of Christ, and praised Apollonius' virtues and thaumaturgic abilities. In the 'Philaletes' Hierocles propagated his pagan Christ Apollonius. The Christians were furiously enraged, because Hierocles dared to contrast Apollonius with their Saviour. The Christians won under Constantine, and the 'Philaletes' vanished soon from the face of earth. It is only known through the 'Against Hierocles', a treatise of the Churchfather Eusebius. The 'Vita Apollonii Tyanensis', in which it was believed that Apollonius was presented as the equal, if not the superior of Christ, survived however the burning of pagan literature by Christian mobs in early christianity. Translations of the 'Vita' which began to appear in the 16th century were immediately put under ecclesiastical ban. The English translation of 1680, by the leisured gentleman Charles Blount, 1654-1694, a deist and freethinking philosopher, and especially his notes, raised such an outcry among christian believers in England that the book was condemned by the Church of England in 1693, banned and its further publication forbidden. Hoffmann observes that the stock might have been burned (vielleicht verbrant). On what ground he thinks so, is not clear. Still, 'fierce passions were let loose. Sermons, pamphlets and volumes descended upon the presumptuous Blount like fireballs and hailstones, and his adversaries did not rest until the authorities had forbidden him to print the remaining six book of his translation'. (R.W. Bernard, 'Apollonius, the Nazarene', 1956, p. 10) Blount persisted that if the miracles of Apollonius were untrue, so were those of Jesus. In his preface Blount is very cautious. He presents the 'Life' as being 'no more than a bare narrative of the Life of a Philosopher, not of a new Messiah'. Philostratus never even mentions Christ, he says. 'And if one Heathen Writer (Hierocles) did make an ill use of this History, by comparing Apollonius with Christ, what is that to Philostratus, who never meant nor design'd it so'. (Preface p. A2 verso) Blount had already finished the translation of all 8 books, he tells the reader, 'when I found the Alarm was given in all parts what a Dangerous Book was coming out; (...) which might therefore prove of pernicious consequence of the Publick'. He fears for his life he says, and therefore publishes only the first 2 books. 'I have thought fit to proroque the remaining part of this history'. (p. A3 verso) Especially Blount's very elaborate illustrations and annotations to the text were considered to be dangerous atheist freethinking. A century later Blount's notes were translated into French and published in Amsterdam in 1779. It was ironically dedicated to Pope Clement XIV by one 'Philaletes') (Collation: A-Z4, Aa-Gg4, H6) (Photographs on request) (Heavy book, may require extra shipping costs)
Cours de dessin. 1re Partie, Modèles d'après la bosse. 29 original lithographs (from a total of 70) from the first part of the Drawing Course ('Cours de dessin').
Paris, Goupil & Cie Editeurs, no date (1868)
< This course taught Vincent van Gogh how to draw human figures> Loose-leaf plates on grey paper with the original white/grey paper backing. Dimensions: 44 x 59 cm. All plates are numbered. The following plates from the first series (Première partie) are on offer here: 1, 2, 5, 7, 9-12, 15-17, 19-22, 24-26, 28-29, 32, 36, 40, 42, 46, 49, 52-53, 56. Details: All plates have a small printed colophon in a frame, with the general title, the part number and title, the plate number and the publishers name. In fine print at the bottom of the sheets the name of the printer Lemercier in Paris is mentioned on most plates. 27 plates also have a small blind stamp of the firm Goupil in the lower margin. See for this stamp the French database 'marquesdecollections', stamp no. L.1090. Condition: Mosts lithos are in rather good condition. The plates have evidently been used, a few have tiny pinholes. Some of them have been folded, showing creases. Most of the plates are frayed and worn at the edges, with a few small tears and dog-ears. Several plates are foxed or spotted. Four plates are in lesser condition: plate 2 has large folds, the lower corners are damaged and there is foxing; plate 26 has two long creases and a large tear; plate 36 has a crease, a damaged corner and a tear of six cm.; plate 56 is almost torn through the middle. Note: The beautiful plates of the famous Drawing Course (Cours de dessin) by Bargue and Gérome were made for beginning students of drawing schools and art academies to copy. In this way they could become familiar with the principles of contour, light, and shade, and at the same time develop an appreciation for 'good taste' by looking at examples of great art. The drawings of the first part of the course were made after plaster casts of famous classical and renaissance statues. The series starts with simple forms of isolated body-parts and then offers images of gradually increasing complexity. To help the student to manage the essential forms of a head or torso, many plates are divided into two parts. A schematic outline with straight lines and angles stands beside the finished drawing. The plates of the drawing course are now hard to find. Of the original publication of 197 loose-leaf lithography plates, divided into three parts, there are only a few complete sets known. Our collection is a part of the first volume: 'Modèles d'après la bosse' (Models after casts), which consisted of 70 plates. It was published in 1868. The second series, completed in 1870, was: 'Modèles d'après les Maîtres de toutes les époques et de toutes les écoles' (Models after masters of all periods and all schools). The third series, completed in 1873, was: 'Exercices au fusain pour préparer à l'étude de l'académie d'après nature' (Charcoal exercises in preparation for drawing the academic nude). The first two sections were meant for schools for design and decorative arts. The third section with live models was used only in art academies. There were no instructions published with the plates, that was left to the teachers in the schools. It was common practice in the schools to start with copying prints and drawing from plaster casts of classical statues. As a second stage, students copied old masters. In the art academies, they then went on to live models. This training was part of the tradition of 19th century neoclassicsm. The imitation of nature was the only goal for artists. Objects and human bodies should be drawn and painted meticulously. Works of art were both realistic and idealistic, following the concept of 'good taste'. In France, this resulted in smooth and finished works, influenced by the standards of the French 'Académie des Beaux-Arts'. This so-called 'Academic Art' came under criticism at the end of the 19th century when the concept of art changed radically. The Drawing Course is the last great document of the 19th century tradition of art education. It was widely used in France and England. Vincent van Gogh writes about it in his letters, he has worked through the whole course at least once. Van Gogh worked very hard on this course because he hoped to gain some income with the sale of his drawings. In a sketchbook owned by the Van Gogh Museum in Amsterdam there are several pencil drawings made after Bargue's plates. Nowadays, the didactic and artistic quality of the course is greatly admired by both amateur and professional artists. The firm Goupil & Cie was an important publisher of original prints and art reproductions in Paris. They hired skilled engravers and lithographers and used the latest techniques. The firm also developed into a renowned art dealer. The 'Cours de dessin' sold very well for Goupil, and loose plates were still sold until the firm was dissolved around 1920. Charles Bargue (1826-1883) was a French draughtsman, lithographer and painter who has left a small number of paintings. Jean-Léon Gérome (1824-1904) was a French painter and sculptor, an esteemed representative of academic art. The main source for information on the course is: G.M. Ackerman. Charles Bargue with the collaboration of Jean-Léon Gérôme, Drawing Course. Paris, ACR, 2017 (first edition 2003). A copy of this book is added.
British Salmonidae. 2 parts. - [ONE OF THE FINEST BOOKS ON FISH EVER PRODUCED]
(Edinburgh, 1839-41). Elephant-folio. In the two original half-calf-folders with green leather-spines and pattern-stamped cloth boards" gilt title and author to front boards. Remains of the original green cloth-ties. Some wear to spines, especially at capitals. 12 magnificent hand-coloured plates with one leaf of text for each, the first, 8th and 11th text-leaves with an engraved illustration measuring 22x13,5 cm. (depicting ""Stake Nets of the Solway Firth"", ""Poke Nets of the Solway Firth"", and ""Young States of S. Truttafrom Mr. Shaw's Ponds"" - the last beautifully hand-coloured)" all leaves laid in loose, as originally published, and all plates with the original tissue-guards. Plates and text-leaves measuring ab. 64,5 x 49 cm
The exceedingly scarce first printing of this monumental work on British salmon, one of the finest books on fishes ever produced. The work is generally considered the Audubon of salmons" the quality of the plates is considered unsurpassed and the scientific research that lies behind it makes it of the utmost importance to the study of salmons.""Jardine was a keen sportsman, expert with rod and gun, and followed his hounds. He was not averse to making deer which strayed from his neighbour's estate onto Jerdine Hall land pay for their trespass. He was also an amateur artist, working in watercolours, and exhibited, as an honorary member, at the Scottish Royal Academy, as well as other art exhibitions in Dumfries. When writing his books, he learned to etch, to draw on wood blocks for wood engraving, to lithograph and to use a variant of lithography called papyrography. One of the finest books of fishes ever printed was Jardine's ""The British Salmonidae"", for which he did the drawings and etchings himself.Jardine was the foremost ichthyologist in Scotland, perhaps even in the United Kingdom, in the nineteenth century. He was a fine fisherman and fished the Annan, which flowed through his grounds in Dumfriesshire, and the best stretches of the Tweed when he lived for three years at St Boswells, Roxburghshire. One of his aims was to establish his life cycles of the salmon and the sea trout, for which he tagged fish in a specially constructed pool at Jardine Hall, and visited the fisheries at Perth where experiments were carried out. His reputation as a fly fisherman was well known, and he enjoyed many days of sport with other eminent naturalists such as P.J. Selby, John Gould, Richard Parnall, as well as friends and neighbours. His interest in fishing and fisheries led to his appointment as one of the royal commissioners to the Salmon Fisheries Survey of England and Wales in 1860."" (Jackson and Davis, ""Sir William Jardine. A Life in Natural History"", p. X). Jardine was also famous for his huge museum collections, among these a very extensive collection of skins. In the late 1820'ies the collections began to encompass vertebrates other than birds, and it is from this time that his scientific interests in fish began to develop. Although Jardine's interest had always extended beyond the British Isles and he also received many specimens of fish from abroad, his main interest remained British fish, and especially those of the salmon family, which greatly fascinated him. ""Some of these were little known, and even in the early nineteenth century were considered rare."" (Jackson & Davis, p. 57). From around the beginning of the 1830'ies Jardine was on the lookout for more specimens and further advice, and he began corresponding with the famous Cornish naturalist and ichthyologist, Jonathan Couch. He also began corresponding with other respected scientists and correspondents and with much support from all of these, Jardine devoted more and more of his time and effort to investigating fish, especially the salmon family. In 1834 he began a tour of Sutherland that came to have a significant impact on his studies of the salmon family. He brought Selby with him, and due to their many notes, drawings, and observations, Jardine now had the confidence to present a lecture, in which he revised the scientific status of the Salmonidae discovered on their excursion, to the British Association, which he held in Edinburgh during the late summer of 1834. It is this lecture that established his reputation as an ichthyologist, and it is evident from many sources of the period that he was now much admired within this field. ""[w]hen he attended the British Association meeting in Newcastle in August 1838, not only did he chair the Botany and Zoology section, but he also gave a lecture on the Salmonidae of Scotland. By this time he was bringing to fruition a much more ambitious project, with the preparation of the plates for the ""Illustrations of British Salmonidae, with Descriptions"", which was published in two parts in 1839 and 1841."" (Jackson & Davis, p. 60).Jardine had originally planned to work on the project with Selby and had already suggested him this in 1834. Selby supported him throughout the project, but eventually Jardine undertook the work alone. The illustrations of the work were to comprise the salmons of both England and Ireland, and in a letter to T.C. Eyton he indicates many of his thoughts concerning the production as well as his continued interest in fishes around the world"" he describes his wish to illustrate the specimens life-size, although that would restrict sales, his and Lizar's frustrations of finding a skilled enough colourist, as well as his view on drawing the fish directly at the edge of the water in order to capture the iridescence and colours of the fish straight away, so that they would not have had time to fade, which they do rapidly after death. Among other things he writes ""The sale will of course be limited & one to my list is important. If it will clear its way I shall be satisfied so far as the plates are concerned... but Illustrations of the size which I have chosen are always attended with more expense in the publication than those of a less [?] size. All the drawings have been made at the waters edge, and I am sanguine that the work will be creditable to all both artist and engraver... The 1st number will be out in a very short time it is all prepared except the colouring which we have been annoyed about in the north. We have however now selected Mr. Gould' colourer [Gabriel Bayfield] in London, & from what he has put out in these departments we have considerable reliance."" (See Jackson & Davis, p. 61).Thus, the plates were etched by Jardine himself and coloured by Bayfield. The first number of plates were sent to Bayfiled for colouring in July 1838, and the first part of ""Illustrations"" was advertised as published in August 1839, whereas the second was ready in September 1841. ""It is not known how many copies were eventually sold, but Jardine (who had exclusive rights to the publication) hinted in 1844 that ""There are only 70 copies coloured"" - and indication that few coloured copies were to hand after supplying copies to the subscribers. Lizars had been responsible for producing and distributing the books, but when his establishment in Edinburgh closed, Jardine transferred the stock of uncoloured plates to Jardine Hall. Even in the 1860s there was a demand for copies of the Salmonidae, and also for individual plates, and the faithful Bayfield was asked once more to act as colourist for these. Some indication of the price of the complete work is given by Jardine in a letter to John Gould, asking him to deliver a copy to Pickering in Picadilly and asking him ""to take payment for £5 16"". Initially prices of £2 12s 6d (coloured) and £1 11s 6d (plain) per part had been suggested, which had risen to £3 3s 0d by August 1839. The first estimates also suggested that an initial run of some 50 copies was sensible until the demand could be gauged, and noted that the cost of colouring each impression was 1s 6d."" (Jackson & Davis, p. 62).The work is now considered one of the finest books on fish ever produced, both due to its great artistic value and its ""meticulous and painstaiking scientific research"" (p. 62)" besides its scientific value and scientific importance, it is of the greatest scarcity with no more than 70 copies (at the most) produced, and many fewer that have survived. Nissen 2092 not in Wood
Essai sur la Nature du Commerce en général. Traduit de l'anglois. - [THE FOUNDATION OF ECONOMIC THEORY]
A Londres, Chez Fletcher Gyles, dans Holborn, 1755. 12mo (17x10 cm). Bound in a nice, contemporary full mottled calf binding with five raised bands to richly gilt spine. All edges of boards with a single gilt line-decoration. Beautiful marbled edges. Very neat and professional restorations to hinges and upper capital. A single tiny worm-hole to middle of spine and a supeficial, barely noticeable, crack down the middle. Old paper-label to lower compartment of spine. One corner a bit worn. Small ex libris to inside of front board, ex libris stamp to half-title. Contemporary owner's name crossed out at title-page. Internally exceptionally nice and clean. Small worm-hole to inner margin of about 60 leaves towards the end, only just touching the edge of a very few letters, otherwise not affecting lettering at all. (4), 430, (6, -Table des Chapitres) pp.
First edition of one of the most important works in the history of economic thought. Cantillon’s work is a pioneering attempt to describe the economy as an interdependent system governed by underlying laws of cause and effect. The author is considered a pioneer of economic theory who anticipated and influenced the likes of Smith, Malthus, Turgot, Quesnay, Mirabeau, etc., etc. and this, his only published work, is considered the first actual work of theoretical economics, an absolutely ground-breaking work which by Jevons was characterized as the ""Cradle of Political Economy"". Cantillon introduces the concept of the entrepreneur as a central economic agent, provides the first analytical model of the circular flow of income and articulates what later became known as the “Cantillon Effect” - the uneven impact of monetary expansion on prices and wealth distribution. Richard Cantillon (1680-1734), though his name is probably of Spanish descent, was an Irishman, and he spent most of his life in France. He was a man of secrecy, and little is known about his life and work. He wrote his only published book, the seminal ""Essai sur la Nature du Commerce en Général"" between 1730 and 1734 but never saw it published, as he was murdered in 1734 (when he was robbed and his house was set on fire, presumably by his former cook whom he had dismissed ten days earlier), and the book had to await posthumous publication. There is evidence that Cantillon wrote much more than this single work, but the ""Essai"" seems to be the only one that survived the fire in his house on the night of his death. The work was finally published for the first time in French, anonymously, in 1755, and it is not known whether Cantillon actually wrote the manuscript in French and that the mention of translation on the title-page is false (e.g. to avoid French censorship), or whether he wrote the manuscript in English and translated it into French himself"" in all cases, the work circulated in French manuscript form, before it was published, and an English manuscript has never been found. ""In any case, the ""Essai"" is a work of genious, and it was undoubtedly written by Cantillon"" (Brewer, p. 19). After having had an immense influence on the Physiocrats and the French School, directly influencing Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot , François Quesnay, Jean-Baptiste Say, Victor de Riquetti marquis de Mirabeau, Adam Smith, etc., the ""Essay…"" soon sank into obscurity only to be rediscovered by Jevons in the 1880'ies, and throughout the late 19th and the 20th century it has become increasingly evident that the present work is indeed a pioneering work, which directly and indirectly influenced almost all later economic theory. ""Richard Cantillon was a key figure in the early development of economics. He was one of the first to see economy as a single inter-connected system and to try to explain how it worked, and the first to present a coherent theory of prices and income distribution. He made major contributions to monetary theory and to the theory of balance of payments adjustment. The Physiocrats, writing only a few years after the (delayed) publication of Cantillon's one surviving work, the ""Essai sur la nature du commerce en general"", took many of their ideas very directly from it. Adam Smith probably learnt from Cantillon's ""Essai"" , as well as from the Physiocrats. There is thus a direct line of intellectual descent from Cantillon's ""Essai"" to Smith's ""Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations"", and to modern economics."" (Brewer, p. 1). ""Cantillon predated the Physiocrats in two ways. First, he used the term ""entrepreneur"" and emphasized the role of this figure in economic life. Business people, Cantillon said commit themselves to definite payments in expectation of uncertain receipts"" this risk taking is remunerated by profit, which competition tends to reduce to the normal value of the entrepreneurs' services. Second, writing a generation before Quesnay constructed his ""Tableau Economique"", Cantillon stated: ""Cash is therefore necessary, not only for the Rent of the landlord... but also for the City merchandise consumed in the country... The circulation of this money takes place when the Landlords spend in detail in the City the rents which the farmers have paid them in lump sums, and when the Entrepreneurs of the Cities, Butchers, Bakers, Brewers, etc. collect little by little the same money to buy from the Farmers in lump sums Cattle, Wheat, Barley, etc."" Cantillon developed a theory of value and price. His emphasis on the role of land and labor, on supply and demand, and on the fluctuations of price around intrinsic value makes him a direct forerunner of classical economists... Cantillon anticipated classical economic thought in several other ways. For example, he stated, ""Men multiply like mice in a barn if they have unlimited Means of Subsistence."" The classical economist Thomas Malthus held a similar view. Also, Cantillon analyzed interest as a reward for the risk taken in lending, based on profits that the entrepreneurs can make by borrowing and investing... In addition, Cantillon focused on the productivity of a nation's resources..."" (Brue, pp. 59-60). See: Anthony Brewer, Richard Cantillon: Pioneer of Economic Theory, 1992 Stanley L. Brue, The Evolution of Economic Thought. Sixth Edition, 2000 Kress: 5423.Einaudi 846. Goldsmiths’ 8989 Higgs, Bibliography of Economics, 938.
Om Begrebet Ironi med stadigt hensyn til Socrates. Af S. A. Kierkegaard. - [ARGUABLY THE BEST POSSIBLE COPY ONE CAN EVER HOPE TO ACQUIRE OF KIERKEGAARD’S DISSERTATION – ONE OF TWO COPIES ON THICK VELLUM PAPER]
Kjøbenhavn, P.G. Philipsens Forlag, 1841. 8vo. (8), 350 pp. Gift binding of elaborately blindpatterned full cloth with single gilt lines to spine. All edges gilt and printed on thick vellum paper. A splendid copy in completely unrestored state with minimal edge wear. Slight sunning to upper 1 cm of front board and slight bumping to corners and capitals. Leaves completely fresh and clean. Pencil-annotation from the Kierkegaard archive of the Royal Library (nr. 83) and discreet stamp from the Royal Library of Copenhagen to inside of front board (with a deaccession-inscription) and to verso of title-page. With ownership signatures of P.S. Lund and Troels Lund to title-page. Inside of back board with previous owner’s pencil-annotations listing the entire provenance of the copy and explaining that this is one of two copies printed on thick vellum paper. Laid in is the original agreement for the exchange of real property between the previous owner and the Royal Library of Denmark, from which is evident that in 2003, The Royal Library and the previous owner legally agreed to exchange their respective copies of Om Begrebet Ironie – the present one for Ørsted, being one of two copies on thick vellum paper, and the copy on normal paper for Heiberg, which is now in the holdings of the Royal Library of Denmark.
Arguably the best possible copy one can ever hope to acquire of Kierkegaard’s dissertation – one of two copies on thick vellum paper, being a presentation-copy from Kierkegaard to the discoverer of electromagnetism H.C. Ørsted. Inscribed to verso of front fly-leaf: “Til / Hans Magnificens / Universitetets Rector / Hr. Conferentsraad Ørsted. / C og D.M.” (For / His Magnificence / Principle of the University / Mr. [a high Danish title, now obsolete] Ørsted. / C (ommandør) (i.e. Commander) and DM (short for Dannebrogsmand, another honourable title) ). The copy is with the Thesis, and both the day and the time has been filled in by hand. As mentioned in the introduction to the Irony, Kierkegaard had two copies made on thick vellum paper –one for himself (which is in the Royal Library of Denmark), and one for H. C. Ørsted, a towering figure of the Danish Golden Age, one of the most important scientists that Denmark has produced, then principle of the University of Copenhagen. This copy is unique among the 11 registered presentation-copies of Kierkegaard’s dissertation and is without doubt the most desirable. It is approximately twice as thick as the other copies and stand out completely. THIS IS KIERKEGAARD’S dissertation, which constitutes the culmination of three years’ intensive studies of Socrates and “the true point of departure for Kierkegaard’s authorship” (Brandes). The work is of the utmost importance in Kierkegaard’s production, not only as his first academic treatise, but also because he here introduces several themes that will be addressed in his later works. Among these we find the question of defining the subject of cognition and self-knowledge of the subject. The maxim of “know thyself” will be a constant throughout his oeuvre, as is the theory of knowledge acquisition that he deals with here. The dissertation is also noteworthy in referencing many of Hegel’s theses in a not negative context, something that Kierkegaard himself would later note with disappointment and characterize as an early, uncritical use of Hegel. Another noteworthy feature is the fact that the thesis is written in Danish, which was unheard of at the time. Kierkegaard felt that Danish was a more suitable language for the thesis and hadto petition the King to be granted permission to submit it in Danish rather than Latin. This in itself poses as certain irony, as the young Kierkegaard was known to express himself poorly and very long-winded in written Danish. One of Kierkegaard’s only true friends, his school friend H.P. Holst recounts (in 1869) how the two had a special school friendship and working relationship, in which Kierkegaard wrote Latin compositions for Holst, while Holst wrote Danish compositions for Kierkegaard, who “expressed himself in a hopelessly Latin Danish crawling with participial phrases and extraordinarily complicatedsentences” (Garff, p. 139). When Kierkegaard, in 1838, was ready to publish his famous piece on Hans Christian Andersen (see nr. 1 & 2 above), which was to appear in Heiberg’s journal Perseus, Heiberg had agreed to publish the piece, although he had some severe critical comments about the way and the form in which it was written – if it were to appear in Perseus, Heiberg demanded, at the very least, the young Kierkegaard would have to submit it in a reasonably readable Danish. “Kierkegaard therefore turned to his old schoolmate H. P. Holst and asked him to do something with the language…” (Garff, p. 139). From their school days, Holst was well aware of the problem with Kierkegaard’s Danish, and he recounts that over the summer, he actually “translated” Kierkegaard’s article on Andersen into proper Danish. The oral defense was conducted in Latin, however. The judges all agreed that the work submitted was both intelligent and noteworthy. But they were concerned about its style, which was found to be both tasteless, long-winded, and idiosyncratic. We already here witness Kierkegaard’s idiosyncratic approach to content and style that is so characteristic for all of his greatest works. Both stylistically and thematically, Kierkegaard’s and especially a clear precursor for his magnum opus Either-Or that is to be his next publication. The year 1841 is a momentous one in Kierkegaard’s life. It is the year that he completes his dissertation and commences his sojourn in Berlin, but it is also the defining year in his personal life, namely the year that he breaks off his engagement with Regine Olsen. And finally, it is the year that he begins writing Either-Or. In many ways, Either-Or is born directly out of The Concept of Irony and is the work that brings the theory of Irony to life. Part One of the dissertation concentrates on Socrates as interpreted by Xenophon, Plato, and Aristophanes, with a word on Hegel and Hegelian categories. Part Two is a more synoptic discussion of the concept of irony in Kierkegaard’s categories, with examples from other philosophers. The work constitutes Kierkegaard’s attempt at understanding the role of irony in disrupting society, and with Socrates understood through Kierkegaard, we witness a whole new way of interpreting the world before us. Wisdom is not necessarily fixed, and we ought to use Socratic ignorance to approach the world without the inherited bias of our cultures. With irony, we will be able to embrace the not knowing. We need to question the world knowing we may not find an answer. The moment we stop questioning and just accept the easy answers, we succumb to ignorance. We must use irony to laugh at ourselves in order to improve ourselves and to laugh at society in order to improve the world. The work was submitted to the Philosophical Faculty at the University of Copenhagen on June 3rd 1841. Kierkegaard had asked for his dissertation to be ready from the printer’s in ample time for him to defend it before the new semester commenced. This presumably because he had already planned his sojourn to Berlin to hear the master philosopher Schelling. On September 16th, the book was issued, and on September 29th, the defense would take place. The entire defense, including a two hour long lunch break, took seven hours, during which ”an unusually full auditorium” would listen to the official opponents F.C. Sibbern and P.O. Brøndsted as well as the seven “ex auditorio” opponents F.C. Petersen, J.L. Heiberg, P.C. Kierkegaard, Fr. Beck, F.P.J. Dahl, H .J.Thue og C.F. Christens, not to mention Kierkegaard himself. Two weeks later, on October 12th, Kierkegaard broke off his engagement with Regine Olsen (for the implications of this event, see the section about Regine in vol. II). The work appeared in two states – one with the four pages of “Theses”, for academics of the university, whereas the copies without the theses were intended for ordinary sale. These sales copies also do not have “Udgivet for Magistergraden” and “theologisk Candidat” on the title-page. The first page of the theses always contains the day “XXIX” of September written in hand, and sometimes the time “hora X” is also written in hand, but not always. In all, 11 presentation-copies of the dissertation are known, and of these only one is signed (that for Holst), all the others merely state the title and name of the recipient. As is evident from the auction catalogue of his collection, Kierkegaard had a number of copies of his dissertation in his possession when he died. Five of them were bound, and two of them were “nit. M. Guldsnit” (i.e. daintily bound and with gilt edges). These two copies were obviously meant as presentation-copies that he then never gave away. The gift copies of the dissertation were given two types of bindings, both brownish cloth, one type patterned, the other one plain, and some of them have gilt edges, but most of the plain ones do not. There exist two copies on thick vellum paper – one being Kierkegaard’s own copy, the other being the copy for H.C. Ørsted, discoverer of electromagnetism and then principle of the University of Copenhagen. “As already implied, two works of the authorship stand out in the sense that Kierkegaard sent his presentation-copies to a special circle of people: The dissertation from 1841...” (Posselt, Textspejle, p. 91, translated from Danish). Most of the copies were given to former teachers and especially to people who, due to leading positions, personified the university. “For this circle of initiated we can now, due to registered copies, confirm that Kierkegaard gave copies with handwritten dedications to the headmaster of the University H.C. Ørsted (printed on thick paper), Kolderup-Rosenvinge and to J.L. Heiberg. It is granted that Sibbern, Madvig and F.C. Petersen were also given the dissertation as a gift,... but these copies are not known (yet).” (Posselt, Textspejle, pp. 93-94, translated fromDanish). (N.b. We have since handled the copy given to Petersen and can thus confirm that it exists). The presentation-inscriptions in the 11 registered copies of the Irony all follow a certain, strict pattern. “The wording could not be briefer. In the donation of his academic treatise, the otherwise prolific Kierkegaard sticks to name, titles, and the modes of address that goes with the titles.” (Tekstspejle p. 96, translated from Danish). When presenting his later books, he always signs himself “from the author”, sometimes abbreviated (i.e. “Forf.” In stead of “Forfatteren”), unless he is mentioned by name on the title-page as the publisher, not the author, as is the case with some of the pseudonymous works. In that case he signs his inscriptions “From the publisher”, always accompanied by “in deep reverence”, “with reverence”, “with friendship” or the like, adapted to the rank of the recipient and his place on Kierkegaard’s personal scale. An academic treatise, however, published before the oral defense took place – in the mind of Kierkegaard – required certain demands in relation to the donation of it. Thus, the brevity and rigidity in the following inscriptions. With the exception of Kierkegaard Hans Christian Ørsted (1777-1851) is arguably the most famous and influential Dane ever to have lived, universally known for his discovery of Electro-magnetism in 1820, which led to new theories and discoveries that constituted the foundation of all later electro-technology. After this milestone of scientific discovery, Ørsted went on to write a number of important philosophical works on natural philosophy and empiricism, of which The Spirit in Nature is the most famous and the work he himself considered his main work. Both H.C. Andersen and Søren Kierkegaard admit to having been influenced by the writings of Ørsted. “He was an enthusiastic follower of the “Naturphilosophie” school in Germany, whose main object was the unification of physical forces, thus producing a monistic theory of the universe. It was to further this purpose that Oersted sought in actual phenomena the electro-magnetic identity of which he had already convinced himself on metaphysical grounds” (Percy H. Muir in Printing and The Mind of Man). “The natural scientist Hans Christian Ørsted was one of the most significant and influential personalities of his age and together with the sculptor Bertel Thorvaldsen, the poet Hans Christian Andersen, and the thinker Søren Kierkegaard, constituted the small handful of figures from “The Danish Golden Age” who achieved international and even world fame.” (Troelsen in Kierkegaard and his Danish Contemporaries I: p. (215) ). In intellectual circles in Denmark at the time of Kierkegaard, Ørsted was inevitable. He influenced not only natural sciences profoundly, but also philosophy, literature, and Danish languages (coining more than 2.000 neologisms). He was furthermore rector of the university of Copenhagen, when Kierkegaard in 1841 submitted his master’s thesis On the Concept of Irony. Being the rector, Ørsted was the one who needed to pass the treatise, but having read it, he was simply not sure whether to do so or not and needed to consult other experts, before making his decision. He ended up allowing it to pass, but not without having first famously said about it (in a letter to Sibbern) that it “makes a generally unpleasant impression on me, particularly because of two things both of which I detest: verbosity and affectation.” (Kirmmmse (edt.): Encounters with Kierkegaard, p. 32). Kierkegaard makes several references to Ørsted’s Spirit in Nature and mentions him several times in his journals and notebooks. Although being of different generations and not particularly close on a personal level, the two intellectual giants would naturally be unavoidably connected in one way or the other. Ørsted was simply so centrally placed and so influential that there was no way around him for someone like Kierkegaard. Himmelstrup 8 The present copy is no. 9 in Girsel's ""Kierkegaard"" (The Catalogue) which can be found here.
